The Coalition of Immokalee Workers and their four-year boycott against Taco Bell is one of the most inspiring stories regarding worker’s rights activism. This labor struggle is important to study because of how much success the Coalition of Immokalee Workers has achieved for exploited agricultural workers in Florida, as well as how much awareness of modern-day slave labor the CIW has brought forth through this labor struggle. The ideas and concepts explained in Chun’s work can be applied to this labor struggle in regards to the types of power the Immokalee workers exercised during their boycotts and strikes, which ultimately led to their success in gaining higher wages and higher amounts of protections against agricultural exploitation.
Theory:
In class we discussed the three different forms of power that working class citizens have that effect the outcomes of their organizing efforts which include: structural power, associational power, and symbolic power. Structural power refers to one’s location in the economic system and how they are able to use their location in the economic system to their advantage (Chun 2009). Associational power refers to a person’s ability to organize into unions and identify themselves with political parties, worker’s parties, etc. Irregular workers typically consist of part-time workers, seasonal workers, temporary workers, day laborers, independent contractors, and sub-contracted workers who are often immigrants, people of color, and women. Chun argues that irregular workers lack the means of both structural and associational power and that they mainly use symbolic power to exercise their means of agency through organizing (Chun 2009). Symbolic power is having the ability to “name who is responsible” for the hardships that the exploited working class face, as well as having the agency to bring the public’s attention to the struggles and injustices which they face as well. Symbolic power may be exercised through the use of public dramas, which are physical displays that embody the attitudes of perseverance and unity amongst working-class protesters, which include sit-down strikes, marches, boycotts, etc. (Chun 2009). These public dramas are effective at catching the media’s attention which is ultimately exposure that is well needed in order for an organization’s requests to be recognized. Chun’s work can be applied to the Immokalee workers’ labor struggle in order to understand the motives and outcomes of their Taco Bell boycott.
Causes:
In 1993, a small, Floridian-based organization called the Coalition of Immokalee Workers (CIW) formed to finally abolish the poverty wages and terrible working conditions for agricultural workers in Florida’s tomato fields. The tomato pickers of Immokalee, Florida were irregular workers who were marginalized and exploited by Yum! Foods in a system resembling modern-day slavery. In this case, the demographic of Immokalee workers included mainly immigrant men and women of Hispanic descent who lived well below the poverty line, even though they spent 10-14 hours working under physically and emotionally exhausting conditions every day, six days a week (Drainville 2010). Since many of the Immokalee workers obtained immigrant status, and some were of undocumented status, these marginalized individuals chose to “lay-low” and avoid bringing unwanted attention amongst themselves in fear of losing their jobs, or even worse, being deported. Furthermore, these agricultural workers were forced to cope with gruesome working conditions with little pay because they had no access to resources that would help them with combat those in power that would keep them at a perpetual state of exploitation and marginalization. The CIW demanded that Taco Bell’s leadership to take responsibility for the human rights violations in their supply chain, to improve wages and working conditions by passing a penny-per-pound pay increase to the workers, and to buy exclusively from Florida growers who granted the penny-per-pound raise the farm workers.
Strategies and Tactics:
The Coalition of Immokalee Workers developed a list of concrete demands that symbolized their vision of social justice in the fields. The demands were then refined into list of “fair food principles” which would bring tangible results to their campaign that were appropriately clear enough that the workers would know whether or not they had succeeded in their campaign. The CIW recognized that Taco Bell depended on its public image in order to stay successful, which is exactly why they targeted Taco Bell as their restaurant to boycott. This directly ties in with Chun’s argument that the more media attention the struggle gets, the more vulnerable the oppressor will be to negative attention and bad publicity.
The Coalition of Immokalee workers used their symbolic power in order to express their demands for better wages and long-overdue respect and recognition. The CIW actively protested against YUM! Brands’ maltreatment of the Immokalee tomato laborers by organizing with allies which included fellow farmworkers, teachers, and students and held rallies at multiple taco bell locations (Estabrook 2011). Beginning in 2001, the CIW organized rallies held outside outside Taco Bell restaurants, and students ordered petitions to “Boot the Bell” from campus food courts. Throughout the course of four years, there were multiple marches that extended from Immokalee, Florida to Irvine, California, where Taco Bell headquarters is currently located (Estabrook 2011). Chun would agree that these organized boycotts and marches are examples of public dramas which help bring attention to the issues that the CIW wanted to expose, and that the CIW’s use of symbolic power was powerful enough to effect change within the community of the Immokalee farmworkers.
The CIW protestors also gained religious allies through the use of a hunger strike. In one case in particular, Cardinal Roger Mahony of Los Angeles wrote a letter urging the protesters to end their hunger strike in exchange for the support from religious leaders in the Los Angeles area. In his letter to the fasters, Cardinal Mahony wrote:
"I am writing to express my solidarity with you as you continue your campaign to secure fair and just working conditions for yourselves and your fellow workers. Your current hunger strike has been a clear sign of your commitment and resolve to seek a peaceful settlement to this current stalemate. You are to be commended for your commitment and dedication in leading this hunger strike. It has been a source of strength for other workers around the country who struggle to provide a decent existence for their families. As the Lenten season approaches, and out of concern for your health, I urge you to conclude this fast. In turn, I encourage Catholics to stand with you by fasting during Lent as a sign of solidarity with you and in prayer that you soon see a successful conclusion to this campaign. As a sign of good will, I encourage the leadership of Taco Bell to meet with you in the coming days to seek a fair and peaceful solution to this dispute."
The Cardinal's letter was joined by similar letters from the National Council of Churches which represent approximately 50 million people across the country, the U.S. Presbyterian Church, the United Church of Christ, and National Farm Worker Ministries (Winkler 2003). The hunger strikers ended their fast and “broke bread” with religious leaders at an Ash Wednesday service in their honor on Wednesday, March 5th, which marked day 10 of their hunger strike outside at the hunger strike site outside Taco Bell headquarters (Winkler 2003). This was a major accomplishment for the CIW because their struggles were being recognized by people of different backgrounds, cultures, and religions. Gerardo Reyes Chavez, a hunger striker and CIW member, commented on the end of the strike:
&l
dquo;We are not at all surprised that Taco Bell refused to meet with us. Over the past ten days, Taco Bell has rejected pastors bearing a message of dialogue, physicians bearing a message of concern for our health, the mayor of Irvine, offering his support for a solution to this dispute, and tens of thousands of people across the country who in one form or another have been moved by the hunger strike to demand justice of Taco Bell. With each rejection, these good people felt the sting of Taco Bell’s disdain, the sting we have felt for nearly two years now. And with each rejection, we have gained new allies, allies that will help us win our fight sooner and finally enjoy a fair wage for our labor. So though our fast has ended, today our boycott is stronger than ever.” (Winkler 2003).
Chavez’ commentary supports Chun’s argument that public dramas are successful in order to bring attention to a labor struggles. Through the use of the protestors’ hunger strikes, the CIW strikers were able to capture the attention of many religious organizations and other important figures in society that have influence over huge masses of people-which could ultimately help the organizers’ messages be spread to people of all sorts of backgrounds.
Outcomes:
After four years of fighting, the Coalition of Immokalee Workers successfully won a boycott campaign against one of the largest fast-food corporations in the world during that time, Yum! Food’s Taco Bell. All demands were met, including the first-ever ongoing, direct payment to farm workers, the implementation of a regulated code of conduct, and a significant raise in their wages by almost seventy-five percent (Drainville 2010).
The Coalition of Immokalee Workers’ efforts against Taco Bell inspired a whole new standard of agricultural organizing. The CIW’s Fair Food program is a third party organization which investigates complaints and ensures compliance through regular audits on the farms (Sellers 2011). The Fair Food program ensures: zero tolerance for forced labor, no verbal abuse/physical abuse/ sexual harassment, safe working conditions (i.e. shaded areas for breaks, clean restrooms and drinking water) the right to report abuse without fear of retaliation, and fair wages. The Fair Food program also staffs a 24-hour hotline that helps farmworkers in case they need to file complaints (Sellers 2011). Through the Fair Food Program, the CIW conducts educational sessions to ensure that the incoming Immokalee agricultural workers are aware of their rights and new responsibilities.
The CIW’s Fair Food Program also educates consumers on the issue of farm labor exploitation, which can eventually help eradicate the exploitation and marginalization of under-represented laborers. Since 2001, farmworkers have consistently partnered with people of faith, students, and communities all over the country in order to gain respect and recognition for workers from some of the largest corporations in the world (Sellers 2011).
The campaign has implemented Fair Food Agreements with major food retailers, including Walmart, McDonald’s, and Subway, establishing more humane farm labor standards and fairer wages for farmworkers in their tomato suppliers’ operations (Sellers 2011). Alongside farmworkers and tomato growers, consumers are a pivotal part of the Fair Food Program. Through the program, buyers support a wage increase through paying an additional penny per pound, which not only makes a substantial difference for workers’ wages, but it also transforms Florida’s labor environment into a workplace rooted in dignity and mutual respect for farmworkers.
Conclusion:
The Coalition of Immokalee Workers and their four-year boycott against Taco Bell is one of the most inspiring stories regarding worker’s rights activism. This labor struggle is significant because of the success the Coalition of Immokalee Workers has achieved for exploited agricultural workers in Florida, as well as how much awareness of modern-day slave labor the CIW has brought forth through this labor struggle. The ideas and concepts explained in Chun’s work are seen throughout the labor struggle in regards to the symbolic power the Immokalee workers exercised during their boycotts and strikes, which ultimately led to their success in gaining higher wages and higher amounts of protections against agricultural exploitation.
I believe that the Coalition of Immokalee Workers has been successful in implementing change within their small agricultural town of Immokalee, Florida, which will inspire laborers all over the rest of this country, as well as other neighboring countries and countries around the world to stand up for their rights and demand the change that our world so desperately needs.
Bibliography
Article:
Drainville, Andre (2010) "Present in the World Economy: The Coalition of Immokalee Workers” (1966-2000) Globalizations: Vol. 5: Iss. 3, Article 2.
Books:
Chun, Jennifer. 2009. Organizing at the Margins: The Symbolic Politics
of Labor in South Korea and the United States. Chapter 1: Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press. (P. 1-23).
Estabrook, Barry. Tomatoland: How Modern Industrial Agriculture Destroyed Our Most Alluring Fruit. 2011.