THE IMPORTANCE AND IMPACT OF THE ISLAMIC RESISTENCE MOVEMENT ON MIDDLE EAST SECURITY
Abstract: This study aims to present a photographic perspective concerning the contemporary islamic terrorism from the point of view of international relations. In the last decades, this violent form of religious and military manifestation plays a key role in the international system because the activity of this non-state actors has not only a regional impact but international, as a direct cause of the large geographic zone where fundamentalist ideeas are widely spread. Taking in consideration the case of Islamic Resistance Mouvement (Hamas), this research is focused on presenting and investigating the historical and islamic background of this mouvement, military capacities and impact of this organization on the middle est international relations. Besides that, the article offers real and practical solutions to solve this military and geopolitical crisis that constituted the core of wars in the region.
Keywords: HAMAS, Islamic Resistance Mouvement, Terrorism, Islamic Fundamentalism
Contact details of the authors:
Email: dipseandrei@gmail.com
Institutional affiliation of the authors: (1) Doctoral School of Humanities – Faculty of Letters, North-Baia Mare University Center – Cluj-Napoca Technical University
(2) Economic College “Pintea Viteazul”- Cavnic, Maramures county
Institutions address: (2) Faculty of Letters Adress: str. Victoriei, nr. 76, postal code: 430122, Baia Mare, Maramures County, Tel: 0262-218.780
(2) Economic College “Pintea Viteazul”, City: Cavnic, Street: 1 Mai, No. 15, Maramures County, Tel: 0262/ 295. 018
The conflict between the Palestinian authorities and Israel is the key to the problems of the Middle East. In this issue, regional terrorism also plays an important role. The Movement of Islamic Resistance (further referred as M.I.R. or Hamas) becomes an especially important actor in the area especially after 2005, when at least three events take place with a strong regional and international impact: the withdrawal of Israel from Gaza in 2005; the electoral success of the Movement in 2006; signing agreements between 2007-2008 by which Fatah had to return possession of Hamas and signing the truce with Israel . Therefore, Hamas becomes the main force of Palestinian resistance with a majority of popular support. Statistically speaking, studies show that the move until 2011 was supported by over 60% of Palestinians in Gaza. Given these issues, Hamas is a decisive factor in international relations in the area of regional security.
The Islamic background of the Movement
One of the dominant features of this movement is Islamic fundamentalism. The islamism as it is called, is broadly a utopian perspective on the political and religious implications of Islam. In an explicit way, it consists of a resizing and re-adaptation of the old traditional religious principles to the new political and social conditions of modernity. Seen from a religious perspective, this is an alternative ideology, opposed to the hegemony of modern Western systems that rely on capitalism, communism, socialism, the visions of democratic egalitarianism, etc. Consequently, we can say that Islamic fundamentalism is a politicized form of Islam, driven to the extreme by ideologues and spiritual leaders, the doctrine coming especially on the path of erroneous or extremist interpretation of jihad . In other terms, Islamic fundamentalism seeks to build a political order based on the implementation of a legalist utopia whose arbitrary elements are embraced by the sacred emblem of Islam . The origins of the Islamist vision lie in a great complexity of causes. According to Hassan Hanafi, the main cause of the failure of the contemporary ideologies of modernization in Islamic space . To be more explicit, the author listed two essential aspects of the previous thesis .
The first aspect, is the failure of Western liberalism in countries with a strong Arab tradition, eg in Egypt. The author consistently demonstrates that the tendencies of democratization of such traditional-religious societies have been doomed to a resounding failure. The authoritarian tendencies, the abolition of the constitution, the asymmetric political game between hegemonic and minority parties, the falsification of electoral results, etc. were major shortcomings of democratization. Consequently, for the management of such crises, political and spiritual leaders have found the return to the fundamental principles of Islam as the only solution. Not only capitalism and democracy proved to be utopian and incapable of solving the problems of Islamic societies, but socialism also failed badly. The most concrete example in Hanafi’s view is the resounding failure of the Egyptian socialist state and the 1952 revolution. The author is of the opinion that this revolution was only seen in economic terms, but in the other segments the traditional culture was preserved, so that “Islamic socialism” proved incapable of adapting to social-political and religious aspirations. Within this incapacity, the religious factor has become increasingly important, ultimately becoming a means of discrediting the political class that gave rise to separatism and radicalism among the spiritual-economic aristocracy that was seen as an immediate solution to these problems.
The second aspect has in view the fact that traditional marxism was seen as a means of modernizing these societies that had been applied but not adapted. The main issues that had to be adapted to the implementation of the scientific ideology of Marxism would have to compensate for the perceptual and mentality characteristics of society (myths, symbols, imagination and anthropomorphic thinking). At the same time, Islamic fundamentalism promotes a contemporary, symbolic and imaginary discourse opposed to modern ideologies. Starting from this point, there is a strong politicization and sacrament of politics that progressively transforms the symbols of Islamicity into authentic and strongly individualized ego. In other words, the path to political manipulation opens which, on the one hand, has the main purpose of maintaining traditional structures of domination, and on the other hand, the realization of the Islamic political utopia (eg. the achievement of the universal Islamic state) on fundamentalist principles . Amplifying this idea, the ability of Islamic leaders to ideologize a religious tradition is done in two ways : First, the reorganization of religious principles is made to have a much more convincing and original tinge. Secondly, we are talking about an idealized adaptation of religion to serve as a means of achieving machiavellian goals. The two aspects can be summed up to the thesis that each interpretation of the Quaran becomes an instrument for various practices, the adaptation of the fundamental teachings reinforce the motivations of these actions, and the emphasis of a learning essence (depending on the purpose ) provide continuity in achieving the goals (be they peaceful, warlike, or terrorist).
The foundations underlying terrorist acts are generally considered to be utopias and are subject to a wide range of prejudices . But before talking about Islam and terrorism, consider it necessary to look carefully at the two in order to establish whether or not there is a link between Islam and terrorism, precisely to bring light to these prejudices. The underlying issue is that of an exlusive interpretation beyond the context of sacred texts, a problem that can arise at any other religion in the world (including Christianity ) and which can lead directly to legitimate violence by religious principles. The exegesis of the sacred texts often affirmed the old principle: “Any text drawn from the context is a pretext” which led to the legitimation of war and terror. But the Quran, to the extent that it is not interpreted unilaterally, does not support terrorism in any way, but on the contrary, we find fundamental principles of human rights, tolerance and good cohabitation.
The main directions that directly contradict terrorism based on distorted ideas of Islam are central to the importance of human life, the Quran stating clearly and concisely on many occasions : “… do not kill anyone unjustly, for Allah has stopped you, and He commands them, You may understand!” ; or ‘the one who kills an innocent soul of killing another soul or of another corruption on earth is as if it were killing all people’ . These exemplars consistent with many other similar verses assert assertively and clearly the right to life of every human being, as well as the condemnation of those who suppress such a right. As regards the ethics of war or jihad, the Quran and other Islamic norms tend to bend the balance in spite of an inner struggle of the believer, which tends to perfection, than the outward struggle by the army.
However, like other religions, Islam promotes self-defense, the principle of resistance to oppression and, last but not least, the fight against tyranny (‘And what is it with you not to fight in the way of Allah and for the men and women and the poor children who say, Lord, take us out of this city with wicked generations, and give us from us a protector and give us On Your part a help’ ). Another fundamental principle of Islamic belief that directly contradicts violent and terrorist practices refers to tolerance to the spiritual beliefs of others. It is important to note that the Quran in particular does not indicate violence as the main persuasive element for accepting Islam, the holy writings affirm ‘There is no force to believe! Rebellion is the difference between the right path and the wanderer, and the one who escapes from Taghut and believes in Alah to get the most durable toot that will never break …’ .
A brief introduction to Hamas history
Within these radical and ideological orientations of Islam, a series of groups have been concretized which have as main purpose the promotion of this type of political-religious behavior through violence (terrorism). A strong imprint on the history of contemporary terrorism was the Hamas Palestinian Islamist group (the name is an acronym of Harakat al-Muqawama al-Islamiyya, or the Islamic Resistance Movement). The general purpose of the organization is the conquest of the Israeli territories of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, which, according to their claims, represent their historical, political and cultural legacy, which was later “unfairly” given to the State of Israel with its establishment on 14 May 1948.
Regarding the origins of this group, at a closer look there can be strong similarities (ideologically and organizationally) with Muslim Brotherhood-M.B. established in 1920, and with strong activity in Jordan and Egypt. Hamas is therefore classified as a detached group of M.B., which will have the first signs of autonomy around 1967, officially registered in Israel only in 1978 by Sheik Ahmad Yasin. In the early years, the group had the status of a non-governmental organization, so it worked as a good time as a non-profit foundation (the Al-Mudjamma Foundation). This type of organization has brought many adherents to the group, due to cultural and religious concerns (spread of Islam, cultural institutions funding, promotion of various religious circles, and last but not least, social workers) . Transforming the status of a non-governmental group into a terrorist will be progressive. In 1987, on the occasion of the first Intifade led by Ahmad Yasin and Muhammad Taha (who was at that time a distinguished leader of the MB in the Gaza Strip), Hamas is involved in the first violent forms of manifestation through direct participation in street violence and assassinations, Thus gaining a central role in the intifada. Beginning in September 1989, the organization will be outlawed by continued involvement in acts of violence and officially recognized as a terrorist group.
The significant stage of the Hamas expansion took place especially after the Gulf War, when terrorist activities grew both quantitatively (in terms of violence, membership, funding, etc.), mostly qualitatively (psychological impact, importance of murders, etc.). A large part of the high number of new members of the period is due to this war which has caused a large migratory phenomenon in the area, bringing especially a large number of refugees who were strongly attracted by the nationalist and Islamist solutions of the group . Currently, the organization is one of the most important Palestinian liberation movements alongside Fatah. However, after the death of Yasser Arafat, the head of the Palestinian Authority in 2004, there was strong divergence between the two groups on the assumption of the power initiative. After the election of Hamas in January 2006, due to Fatah’s refusal to obey the directives of authority, a bloody conflict will arise between the two groups, called “The Brothers’ War” (Wakseh), which had a stronger intensity between 2006-2007).
However, there have also been attempts to maintain peace and sign negotiations to at least settle conflicts between the two camps. A first such agreement was signed on 23 March 2008 at Sana’a in Yemen, which stipulated the surrender of some Gaza territories won by Fatah back to the Hamas authority, which had not been respected. Other such peacekeeping agreements were also signed in Cairo in 2011, with no unpredictable results. Currently, the ultimate act of reconciliation is the “Doha Understanding ” signed in 2012 by the main leaders of the two groups (Mahmmoud Abbas-Fatah and Khaled Mashaal-Hamas).
Ideological creed
Hamas’s fundamental ideological principles are set out in a programmatic document called the “Charter of the Hamas Movement ,” a document published in 1988 that includes 36 articles. These principles outline the group’s main lines of action and organization, articles that in most cases have aspects of Islamic religion but strongly ideological. The cardinal point of these articles is the damnation of the State of Israel, and the injustice that this state has brought under the auspices of western powers. Any compromise or understanding with this state is a violation of Muslim jurisprudence. According to this, Israel is “a conqueror” and “the liberation of occupied territories” is the key to the ideological creed. Among the charter fields, we mention: The association of the movement to the MB; Structure and essence of the movement; The space-time dimensions of the movement; Principles of independence; The universality of claims; The slogan of the movement ; objectives; Strategies and methods; and so on.
Military capabilities – organization – weapons – tactics
Without a doubt, Hamas is one of the top organizations of world terrorism when it comes to military capabilities. However, it is quite difficult to accurately quantify the operational units and the military arsenal in the context of a strong dispersal of the organization but also of the alternation of the peace periods – armistice – war. For such a tangible purpose (the establishment of the Palestinian Islamic State) under the conditions of an adverse international context (non-recognition by different countries as a state), the regional one (the wars in the area, the geopolitical and geostrategic influence of the US in Iraq, Afghanistan, etc.) or the national one (disagreements between organizations-ex: Fatah), Hamas dispenses with a whole logistic, propaganda and military arsenal to achieve the proposed goals.
In this area (West Bank, Gaza), the group has a number of regional and secondary centers. The infrastructure of the organizational framework presupposes :
‘ Fundraising and distribution infrastructure, as well as the organization of meetings (Daiwah)
‘ The security infrastructure (Amn; Jehaz Amn), which has direct responsibility for providing logistical and informational support to combat collaborators and spies. They also organize the interrogations and assassinations of important personalities.
‘ Propaganda publications (Al-Alam), which communicate the organization’s press releases, media and propaganda.
‘ The ‘Izz Ad-Din Al-Qassam’ brigades (I.D.B.Q.), which represent the military wing of the movement established in 1992.
‘ Palestinian fighters (Al-Majahadoun Al-Falestinioun) are the lance group made up of fighters who commit and coordinate terrorist attacks.
As for the military and security apparatus, Hamas has the following structure :
Hamas Organization (Fig.1)
The organization is a hierarchical structure that imitates the correct stratification of any contemporary modern army. The main command centers in Gaza-Damascus are found in cooperation and coordination relations, this bicephal leadership being a real logistic and strategic advantage. From a numerical point of view, if we quantify security forces, police and IDQBs, most studies claim Hamas has 15,000-16,000 potential combatants. Of these, the elite of the operational fighters consists mostly of I.D.Q.B.s, which are between 2,000 and 3,000 fighters . The I.D.Q.B. is organized in 6 brigades that have hierarchically subordinated battalions, which in their turn plutoane. If we compare the Hamas with the other groups in the area (Hezbolah or Al Fatah), it has the widest military staff .
Undoubtedly, we can argue that Hamas has impressive military capabilities. Without exaggerating, in terms of arms and military tactics used, they are comparable to many state armies. In terms of weapons, a true scientific study by Yiftah S. Shapir, entitled Hamas Weapons , shows that the organization uses a vast arsenal of both improvised devices and professional armament that is used by the most modern armies (U.S.A. or Germany). As an assault weapon, the main rifles and vending machines are: Ak47, AKM, Type 56 assault rifles, Colt M4A1 Carbine, Sig SG 552 Commando, Steyr HS .50. From the point of view of a possible direct confrontation, Hamas would not face the Israeli Defense Forces (I.D.F.), preferring a guerilla warfare based on sporadic missile launches. Hamas uses a large arsenal of standard but also modified rockets. Ballistic devices have an impressive range. Of the shortest range of action, we mention the 9M22U 122mm, 66.2kg rockets and the most commonly used -40km – are the 122mm WS-1E missiles weighing 74kg. Generally, most rockets have at least 4 kg of active explosive, and are capable of causing considerable damage. Generally speaking, these missiles are used in the following way : for targets up to 6 km, 81-122mm mortars are used; Up to 12km are used Qassam series missiles (90-115mm); Up to 40 km are used Grad / Katyusha 122mm missiles; Up to 80km are used modified rockets Fajr – 3 of 240mm . Most of these missiles are produced directly in Gaza by assembling components. In fact, a significant amount comes illegally and clandestinely from Iran or Russia.
If we want a brief outlook on Hamas ballistic capabilities, Cast Lead (or The Gaza War) provides data that highlights an extremely powerful capacity. During these confrontations that lasted from December 27, 2008 to January 18, 2009, Hamas launched more than 600 rockets, most of them Qassam (nearly 400) of 90-122mm in an area of over 70 square kilometers . To this, over 300 mortars and nearly 900 HTR (high-trajectory rounds) are added. The main targets of these launches were the Israeli cities Beersheva, Hebron, Jerusalem, Ramallah and Tel Aviv . As in the Lebanon war of 2006, Hamas also confirmed the lack of accuracy in addressing strategic objectives of the IDF. Thus, many of the missiles launched did not cause any damage to the enemy, and many of them have accidentally hit civilian targets. However, most rockets hit both civilian and military targets (especially in the southern area of Israel), causing a strong psychological and media impact .
Hamas’s defense strategy aims to use the urban agglomeration in maximum terms, where the movement manages to carry out its actions using the civilian population as a possible threat to I.D.F. threats. During the Gaza War, defense was conceived in three major urban centers – Rafah – Khan Yunis – Gaza City – around which security zones were built . The strip had three lines of defense – 1. the central zone of the city (defended by elite troops – commanders); 2. City entrance area – Defended by light brigades disposed in the eastern area in the form of semicircle; 3. the first line of defense (in the form of a security border) along the 64 km of the strip . In fact, the strategy designed by the leaders of the movement is very interesting to avoid a possible encirclement. Underneath each city, they dug long miles of tunnels through which they went outside the city, having the ability to surprise the enemy by attacking back attacks .
As for defensive weapons, Hamas uses the following defensive devices :
‘ Anti-tank devices ‘ RPG 7 Types; SAGGER AT ‘ 3; ATGM 4 ( Anti Tank Guided Missle)
‘ Antiaircraft ‘ SA ‘ 7 Types
‘ Mine ‘ Anti-tank, Anti-personnel
‘ IEDs ‘ improvised explosive devices ‘ different types
‘ IEDs cu EFPs ‘ explosively formed projectiles ‘ Shawaz
Geopolitical and military implications
The current deadlock in Israeli-Palestinian relations is not the result of a refusal to compromise between the two authorities – on the contrary, the two entities have tried to reach a consensus on various occasions. The central issue is the suspicion that the two sides have signed bilateral agreements on various occasions that have proved infallible and difficult to respect. Ultimately, this adversity of trust-based bargaining pushes Israel towards uni- versality and the Palestinians towards violence.
In this context, the bilateral relations between the two sides were marked by:
1. The initiation of superficial bargaining efforts, which have proved to be impossible to respect. The main aspect that permanently amplifies these military confrontations is the existence of an impressive military arsenal that can be used anytime.
2. The irreconcilability between the two authorities was amplified by the 2005 Hamas electoral gain, which in fact meant the uprooting of the organization’s terrorist actions based on popular support.
3. One main cause of the failure of the agreements signed between the two parties is that the penalties stipulated for the reopening of the armed conflict were not respected and the international community had a pale reaction.
4. Apart from the security and geopolitical aspects, the impossibility of reconciling the two sides is also strongly supported by ethnic, social and especially religious differences.
Conclusions and solutions
Knowing the complexity of the situation, the tensions in the area as well as the political, religious and social implications, as the author of this article, provide for the following situations:
1. Concluding an agreement aimed at the immediate cessation of violence. – Establishing a permanent peace.
This is an issue that would be of interest to both parties – Hamas would have the opportunity to administer the territory under its authority and to settle accounts with Al Fatah, while Israel would be able to handle the Iranian issue. Such bargaining attempts have taken place since the Clinton administration in 2000, the Taba Negotiations in 2001 or the 2003 Geneva Initiative. A resumption of these diplomatic discussions is hindered by Hamas for two reasons – 1. This peace would mean recognizing Israel’s legitimacy over the confluence territories of the two sides. 2. Hamas would lose the conflict initiative that provided its popular support, losing ground to Al Fatah rivals.
2. Israel’s withdrawal from the West Bank and the presence of delegated troops from the international community at the border between the two territories.
These terms of negotiation would help both camps. First, Israel would benefit from long-term secured security and Hamas could benefit from the possibility of establishing a state recognized by the international community. In the case of such an agreement, the issue of holy places and the problem of refugees could be regulated by evacuating Israelis from the West Bank and creating a separation route whose Israeli boundaries do not include the neighboring Arab territories of East Jerusalem, Ariel and the Ma’aleh region Adumin.
Returning to Islamic contexts, Islamic fundamentalist terrorism, as we have shown, is forbidden by the Quran and other Islamic laws, and fundamentalism is only a form of extreme manifestation of highly politicized Islamic beliefs and exegetical interpretations Of spiritual leaders. However, the main cause of Islamic terrorism is not the above-mentioned thesis, but rather the social conditions in the area and the Western interference in matters of domestic politics of some states, which has led to the emergence of nationalist feelings and repulsion, intolerance and fanaticism towards newcomers. Therefore, a clear distinction must be made between Islamic beliefs and Islamic fundamentalism, between which there is a deep abyss, both principles and action. Islam in any way does not legitimize attacks or bloodshed against the fundamentalist belief that legitimizes violence, and therefore any association between a Muslim and a suicide bomber must be removed, although prejudices of this kind dominate the Western collective mentality.
Although secularization and modernization are often seen by Oriental societies as forms of deviation from the path of Islam, they do not necessarily conflict with the rights and freedoms supported by the Quran and other Islamic laws (the right to life, tolerance, etc.). These steep upgrades in Arab societies have sometimes given the illusion of Islamic extremists of a “conquest,” and the only solution for defending territories is to rise to jihad. Hamas is one of these types of organizations, which struggle not only for the constitution of the Palestinian Islamic state but also for defending the conservative-traditional-nationalist principles mentioned above.
The issue of terrorism, in this context of economic and democratic globalization, still plays a fundamental role in thinking about the security of the world due to the dynamics and new forms it has, the world already confronting not only classical military terrorism but also biological terrorism, Cybernetic, etc. Still unresolved, the Near and Middle East issues have a strong impact on the international relations system, and still represent a constant threat to the world.
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