Landscape is primarily defined as ‘all the visible features of an area of land, often considered in terms of their aesthetic appeal’ (Oxford Dictionaries, 2017). Landscape, however, encompasses more than just the features seen, as Cosgrove (1984, p 13) describes it as ‘a way of seeing the world’ and as symbolism of culture, social, economic and political processes (Cresswell, 2003). Landscape is therefore important to explore to understand human society and how it relates to the natural world (Argent, 2009). The photograph (figure 1) is one from a series by Ingrid Pollard entitled ‘Pastoral Interlude’, which portrays how black people feel in rural England (Pollard, 2012). This essay will explore the social and political conditions of the time this photograph was taken, links between landscape and colonialism, common discourses and how landscape is experienced by different groups.
This photograph was taken in 1988. In the time leading up to 1988, Margaret Thatcher was elected prime minister in 1979, the unemployment rate for under 24-year-old black people was 31.5%, significantly higher than the 11.8% overall rate (Bell, Blanchflower, 2010) and there had been several riots in 1981. The highest profile riots took place in Brixton, Liverpool, Manchester and Birmingham. They were thought to be race riots as the main groups involved were black people, additionally, mostly men and 2/3 of arrests made were of citizens under 20 (Peach, 1986). The relationship between this group and the police was untrusting and resentful because of some of the recent law and order procedures, such as the ‘operation swamp’. This was where over 1,000 stops and 150 arrests were made in a short period of time and on suspicious as part of the ‘sus law’, and black people were stopped considerably more than those of other ethnicities, for example whites (Jefferson, 2012). With many black people being unemployment and not very affluent, their social mobility was reduced and their chances to go out into rural areas were limited. Urban areas are deemed as unsafe with various social and political problems such as rioting, crime and decay. This became a driving factor for urban to rural migration for the wealthier to escape the changing demographic and social problems and the fast pace of urban life, with a migration rate of 6.9% between 1981-1991, which is higher than the overall rate. This further impoverished urban areas economically as workers left and reinforced hierarchies as black people were left, many unemployed, were left grouped together with their disadvantaged socio-economic circumstances (Neal, 2002). This would have left black people feeling victimised and excluded, from both the landscape and from being British.
British people see rural areas of England as an idyllic landscape, which provides stunning scenery and offers a connection with history and British ancestry (Cresswell 2003). In contrast, ethnic minority groups see it more in terms of its historic construction. The grand, stately houses and features that define some rural areas were built from the wealth created from slavery and colonialism by exploiting different cultures and their people. (Neal, 2002). As Wylie (2009, p 277) describes it holds ‘a host of ghost memories’ which are associated through the pain and suffering that their ancestors endured, resulting from the economic and political process of colonisation. Landscape is a ‘social product’ produced by the history, processes, society and culture of the time (Cosgrove, 1984 p 14) and this landscape was produced in colonial times when Britain was an ultimate superpower and not ethnically diverse. At the expense of the countries in the Empire, it fuelled economic development for Britain as wealth was acquired through trading (Havinden, Meredith 1995). Thus, going to rural areas is not a desirable, fun activity but instead reminds them of the idea that the British colonial culture is better than theirs, and how the landscape was constructed. It highlights hierarchies of those visiting rural areas through the past circumstances that it was produced, evident by considering the history of the area.
Discourses form new ways of thinking and through certain processes and practices that form new knowledge and meaning (Cresswell, 2009). They mould the way that black people feel and experience landscape. After World War 2, those living in the Commonwealth countries were encouraged to move to England. This lead to a reactionary, hostile reaction from British citizens, which could possibly be explained by people’s fixed ideas about a landscape, which have already been created and circulated (Cosgrove, 1984); thoughts of a diluting culture and a comparison of “alien species” were spread (Agyeman, 1990). This method of thinking stuck, even when Britain become more ethnically diverse. Moreover, there was a competitive job market, with the new residents competing for the same jobs in addition of housing and public services. This strain made reinforced the idea of black people as being problematic for the economy and so black people were welcomed with racist comments and violence. This went as extreme to the murder of three black men in 1919 riots. The welcoming of many new ethnic groups into Britain, not just black people, has often been met with racial violence. For example, Irish immigrants in the 19th century and Russian Jews in 1917 (Panikos, 1994). However, despite the increased racial troubles that ethnic minorities face in rural areas, it is different spatially. When comparing areas like a small village like Bramshall and a large London borough like Hackney, there is usually less prejudice in cities as these are more integrated and tolerant of different cultures, having a larger minority population (Neal, 2002).
Landscape is experienced differently by different groups, for example ethnicity, gender and class amongst many more. Certain social processes and discourses partly dictate the experience, for example black people in the countryside are more likely to be subject to racial verbal harassment and violence because of hate and feeling that the British landscape is ‘culturally superior’ (Neal, 2002) spread by the media and inherited from previous, colonial times. This therefore means that they are more likely going to have a negative experience in the countryside and not feel safe or included. Wylie also talks about a ‘sense of shared belonging’ of the landscape which makes people feel more connected with a landscape and enhances the desire to go to such places; this however, is not felt by black people but instead have feelings of persecution (Wylie, 2009 p 284). Additionally, the main demographic visiting rural areas are white people, so site managers accommodate more for them. This makes black people feel more excluded and unwelcome from the area so stick to urban areas (Aygeman, 1990). On the contrary, the rural landscape has previously been labelled a ‘white landscape’, exemplified by popular TV soap Emmerdale, which mainly has a white cast with few Asian or Afro Caribbean members (Neal, 2002). This shows that minorities are less likely to decide to live in rural villages, possibly due to several reasons such as feelings of exclusion and vulnerability and a lack of social mobility as it is often more expensive to live in rural areas than some inner-city areas, such as Brixton and Hackney (Aygeman,1990).
Furthermore, the village mentality deters minorities as they are greeted with feelings of uncertainty (Neal, 2002) as people do not want to mess the status quo and do not want social changes that could disrupt the local community. The spread of culture and movement towards away from homogeneous communities is met with a reactionary response as the inhabitants of villages share patriotic and nationalistic views, which pushes minorities out of villages and the community. (Massey, 1994). Pollard disrupts the normal way of thinking about rural landscape and evokes deeper thought into the matter of race and landscape which previously may have not been obvious. She does not use the idyllic lens that many other photographs and paintings use to only show certain, detached views of the landscape, but instead shows it for what it is really like for a black woman to be in the countryside (Malpas, 2011). It brings into attention the way that landscape is seen by different groups of people and individuals, rather than just the aesthetic features of the land and for what is seen when we look at rural areas (Cresswell, 2003).
To conclude, this photograph was taken when unemployment among black people was high, there were many social problems and black people did not feel apart of the British community, especially not rural areas. For years, minorities in Britain have been subject to racial violence, before and after colonial times and common ways of thinking and seeing minorities were negatively aimed. The rural landscape, however, is a place of refuge for some but a place of fear and unsafety for others, illustrating how experiences change depending on what category you fall in, like class, gender, ethnicity. Landscape is an “expression of society” (Cosgrove, 1984 p 14) so is subject to change as society progresses which can hopefully diminish old discourses and form new, positive ones which incorporate love, community and tolerance.