In Laura Pulido’s Black Brown Yellow & Left Radical Activism in Los Angeles the desirable objective was to understand why different activists had developed their own ideas of politics and how their actions might or might not make sense in the larger racial and economic structures. In order to primarily seek out these understandings out and be able to compare different ideologies with different groups, Pulido had focused in on three following organizations which represented three individual racial groups. The Center for Autonomous Social Action which was a representation of the Chicanas/os (CASA), The Black Panther Party as a representation for the African Americans, and East Wind for the representation of the Asian Americans. Although these three groups were an approach to different politics, the most perceptible were interethnic and gender related politics. Some possible reasons behind these differences in politics within these groups could be to justify their intensive exploitation or creating them based off their own experiences. That is the purpose of Pulido’s book, to seek out these reasons to how they’re ideologies came to exist and in what cases are these ideologies present in their actions. Laura Pulido accomplishes the aim of understanding different activists’ political ideologies and how their actions make sense in a larger racial and economic view to a monumental extent by thoroughly examining how CASA, BPP, and East Wind had coalition building with other groups and how they worked with others to formulate their ideologies.
CASA had focused in on issues such as labor, immigration, and workers rights which leads to the idea of where their politics have originated from. Laura Pulido had described this organization as one who’s politics were merely based off the importance of their position in the racial hierarchy and the working class. Their ideologies most likely came from their experiences with low-wage work, but these ideologies were most discernible when it came to coalition with other groups of color and non-color. “While CASA was perhaps the least concerned with developing relationships with other racial/ethnic groups, it was the only organization to admit whites, and it did extensive solidarity work with other Latinas/os/” The reason why CASA was the group to less likely reach out to other ethnic groups was due to their main priority in focusing on it’s target population which was the Mexicanas/os. Laura Pulido was able to explain this merely by explaining how CASA was not engrossed too much by its title of “oppressed” because of its size, therefore they believed they could go off on their own. They promoted in extensive solidarity work and because of their reason to focus in on Mexicanas/os they were less willing to highlight multiracial activism. As shown from the groups studied, CASA was the only group to admit white members because few members felt threatened, either politically or personally, by them. People of non-color were interested in immigration and work issues which is a reason for this action of admitting white people was based on. Although CASA, was the least likely to work with others, they still managed to have a wide variety of relationships with other groups of color. Pulido had explained CASA’s relationships with other groups by sharing the similar issues that both CASA and other racial groups shared. For example, an interconnected area of importance for both CASA and Black Panther Party was police abuse and political prisoners. Because of this relation of shared concerns, CASA was able to understand the Black struggle and recognize the centrality of the BPP to the larger movements evening though having close ties was not a top priority. But another ideology that came out of this relation was also a prejudice towards Blacks. However, Laura Pulido was thorough in explaining why this prejudice did exist. They distanced themselves due to strengthening their own racial position. Having frail relationships with other groups, including Native Americans, had lead to stronger relationships with other Latinas/os. A reason behind this was because the cultural nationalist tendencies of the movement which not only highlighted solidarity and coalition with other Latinos/as, but Chicanas/os indigenous history and roots. Because of their contact with other Latina/o groups, it enabled them to connect with the Puerto Rican Socialist Party (PSP). Pulido was able to explain yet another ideology of CASA through comparing the two groups through their shared set of principles such as being internationalists, opposing to imperialism, and both were struggling with identity, nation, territory, and self-determination. Laura Pulido was utterly able to sort out the political and even cultural ideologies of CASA and determining when they came into play through examining how they wanted to work with others of color/non-color, and in solidarity.
Unlike CASA, the Black Panther Party was more involved with other interethnic groups and collaborated more with multiracial coalitions. As Laura Pulido explained, “The interethnic politics of the BPP can be divided into two categories: its work among whites and among other people of color.” The relationship with the white people were often unequal because whites provided resources and their political motivations were usually straightforward but sometimes it was desired payback to what the party offered. The perception that many people had was that BPP was anti-white and just an exclusive Black political project but Pulido had set it straight that it’s a false statement. BPP had actually worked merely close with many whites in many capacities. It was inevitable that the Panthers would direct their political examinations and anger towards whites and white privilege. Many white people felt guilty which is the reason behind why they are drawn to the black struggle. Blacks were considered to be the most oppressed and whites were committed to changing the racist nature of the United States along with the oppressed groups. The Panthers were mentioned as fearless, streetwise, Marxist-Leninists, and disciplined. Reasons behind this could be because of their own experiences, such as when one panther was arrested by a LAPD officer only because his car was “too low.” These relationships to the whites were different than the relationship BPP had with people of color. It was more predicted on an exchange of solidarity. Laura Pulido had described three of the many political ideologies of the Black Panther Party and they were on social reproduction issues, issue of state control and terror, and their focus on self-determination. These principles were established in major cities and established because of their experiences. Such as unfair treatment from the police which was similar to an issue that CASA was facing as well and is a reason for them to have coalition with them. By working with others such as Malcolm X and Mao Tse-tung, BPP was able to formulate its political ideology which was mainly based on Lumpenproletariat (“underclass”). BPP also focused in on revolutionary nationalism and Pulido was capable of explaining that this ideology had came from the Ten-Point program which recalls back to one of their political ideologies; self-determination. By showing how the Black Panther Party built relationships with other groups, Laura Pulido was able to show how their ideologies formed and had visible effects.
East Wind had some differences when it came to coalition with other groups of color and non-color. They focused ideologically on the development of a Third World identity, the national question, and serving the people. Although they were the least ideologically fixed out of all three groups, their action of coalition with other groups still had their political ideologies fixed into it. A Third World Identity offered several advantages to Japanese American leftists including that they were somewhat distinct from the other communities of color, and its connection to the colonized worlds. Now serving the people was their final political concern and it was basically an emphasis on community work inspired from the BPP. These ideologies were most effectively explained when Pulido described their relationships with other groups. “East Wind was arguably the most self-conscious in its efforts to work with other people of color.” Pulido described them as that statement merely due to the fact that they supposedly had a more privileged economic and social status. And because of that privilege, they liked to work in solidarity. Tracing back to their ideology of becoming more politically developed and understanding the Japanese American experience, their act of working with others was a way to gain a sense of their identity and they had similar experiences as other groups such as CASA relating to work. Although East Wind pursued in interracial work, it still had revolutionary nationalist tendencies because it’s primary focus, coming from its ideologies, was itself referring to one community.