Samulnori is a genre of percussion music originating from p’ungmul or nongak, which is Korean farmers’ music. In Korean, the term “samulnori” means the playing of four things (Kang & Yoo, 2016). The genre is comprised of four Korean instruments: the kkwaenggwari, janggu, buk, and jing. Samulnori began as a predominantly grassroots movement; it is now one of the most well known traditional music genres in Korea (Hesselink, 2004). This essay will discuss the origins, instruments, symbolism, and evolution of samulnori as a central piece of musical heritage in Korea.
In order to discuss samulnori’s role in Korean heritage, it is necessary to provide context about the history of Korea at the time of its emergence. The decades prior to the emergence of samulnori “were characterized by a sense of loss” (Hesselink, 2004, p. 406). In the 1950s and 60s, Korea was suffering from the burden of the extended Japanese occupation and the civil war (Hesselink, 2004). Until the Japanese occupation, p’ungmul had been the primary form of music in Korean village society (Hesselink, 2004). Moreover, folk arts including music and dance “experienced a vacuum-like effect as numerous tradition-bearers were either killed during battle or became too old to perform or teach” (Hesselink, 2004, p. 407). Since this music was passed down orally, these brutal events diminished the opportunities for passing musical traditions down to younger generations (Hesselink, 2004). Furthermore, the prevalence of folk arts was impacted by a rapidly modernizing population that increasingly embraced anything foreign and became ambivalent toward folk culture (Hesselink, 2004). Ultimately, the combination of these historical events and an increasingly globalized society impacted the role of folk arts in Korea.
In fact, the decline of traditional folk arts was dire enough for the South Korean government to enact the Cultural Asset Preservation Law to investigate Korea’s cultural roots and preserve its heritage (Hesselink, 2004). This legislation examined tangible and intangible cultural assets, which were researched by a Cultural Assets Committee who traveled to different sites and wrote investigative reports (Hesselink, 2004). They sought to identify the most authentic forms of art that reflected a sense of Korean identity and could easily be promoted (Hesselink, 2004). P’ungmul, the rural folk tradition of percussion music and dance, was designated as a cultural asset in 1966 (Hesselink, 2004).
Korean farmers’ music played a central role in the agricultural life of Koreans. The melody of this music is based on rhythmic cycles that act as the foundation for the piece (Kang & Yoo, 2016). Samulnori, which originated from Korean farmers’ music, acted as entertainment for the farmers (Kang & Yoo, 2016). For example, they played this music while farming and celebrating their harvest (Kang & Yoo, 2016). The pulsing beat of the drum allowed farmers to work together and feel a sense of unity through their work (Kang & Yoo, 2016). Through the labor songs, farmers provided strength and encouragement to each other (Kang & Yoo, 2016).
Since samulnori originated from p’ungmul, there are many similarities but also distinct differences. Samulnori and p’ungmul performers use the same four percussion instruments. However, p’ungmul performances typically feature multiple players on each part and almost always include the double reed wind instrument called the taepyeongso (Hesselink, 2004). Most samulnori groups do not use this instrument (Hesselink, 2004). In addition, one of the main differences between samulnori and p’ungmul is the centrality of dance in p’ungmul (Hesselink, 2004). Another significant difference is the use of the hand-held sogo drum by dancers in p’ungmul and the use of actors to capture the audience’s attention (Hesselink, 2004). Thus, while samulnori is derived from p’ungmul, the two types of music are distinct.
Samulnori is comprised of four percussion instruments including the kkwaenggwari, janggu, buk, and jing. First, the two gongs in samulnori are the kkwaenggwari and the jing. The kkwaenggwari is a small brass gong with cords attached to its edge (Kang & Yoo, 2016). To play the kkwaenggwari, the musician holds it by its cords and strikes it with a “chai,” which is a wooden mallet with a soft cloth-covered, round head (Kang & Yoo, 2016). The kkwaenggwari player leads the group by initiating changes in rhythm (Kang & Yoo, 2016). In addition, the kkwaenggwari is associated with lightning because of its high pitch and loud metallic sound (Kang & Yoo, 2016). Next, the jing is a large bronze gong that makes an oscillating sound and is struck with a large padded stick (Kang & Yoo, 2016). This gong also has cords attached to its edge for hanging on a wooden frame, however, some musicians choose to hold it by the cords during performances (Kang & Yoo, 2016). The jing provides the macro beats of the group and is associated with the wind because of its curved, oscillating sound (Kang & Yoo, 2016).
Next, the two drums in samulnori are the janggu and the buk. The janggu is an hourglass-shaped drum (Kang & Yoo, 2016). This drum has two sides that are made of different types of leather skin (Kang & Yoo, 2016). One side produces a high-pitched sound while the other makes a deeper sound (Kang & Yoo, 2016). The left drum head is struck with a beater made of bamboo or wood; the right head is struck by a thin bamboo stick (Kang & Yoo, 2016). The cords connecting the two drum heads can be tightened or loosened to control the tension of the drum (Kang & Yoo, 2016). The janggu represents rain as it makes delicate rhythmic changes that sound like raindrops (Kang & Yoo, 2016). Lastly, the buk is a wooden barrel drum that is played with a single stick (Kang & Yoo, 2016). This drum plays the bass sounds or pulse of the group (Kang & Yoo, 2016). The buk’s head is made out of either cow or horse skin and is attached to the body by a cord (Kang & Yoo, 2016). Unlike the janggu, the pitch is the same on both sides of the drum. The buk represents clouds because its sound “depicts the Korean onomatopoeic (‘dung, dung’) sound of clouds floating in the sky” (Kang & Yoo, 2016). Each of the instruments in samulnori has its own meaning and represents a star, human, moon and sun respectively (Kang & Yoo, 2016). Thus, each of the four instruments in samulnori combine to create a sense of unity among Koreans.
Despite the official recognition of p’ungmul for twelve years, there was still a lack of support and appreciation of the art form (Hesselink, 2004). At this time, “the rift between ‘old’ and ‘new,’ village and metropolis, and East and West grew wider and deeper” (Hesselink, 2004, p. 409). The original members of the group SamulNori grew up in the provinces as p’ungmul performers but moved to Seoul to further their careers as performers (Hesselink, 2004). Samulnori developed in 1978 when Duksoo Kim brought this music to the concert hall (Kang & Yoo, 2016). This concert was held in the heart of Seoul at the Konggan Sarang, which means “Space Theater” (Hesselink, 2004). The performers aimed to adapt p’ungmul to a concert-hall stage in an effort to revive the dying tradition of Korean farmer’s music (Hesselink, 2004). Due to the small performance space, the members played only one of the four core p’ungmul instruments (Hesselink, 2004). Their name “SamulNori” came a year later to “distinguish their format from rural p’ungmul” (Hesselink, 2004). The performers played one twenty-five minute piece and played from a seated position in order to focus on musical aspects (Hesselink, 2004). Despite the stage-audience divide set up by the concert hall, the audience and performers “achieved almost frenzied states of consciousness” (Hesselink, 2004). Thus, the group SamulNori brought a modified version of p’ungmul to the concert hall, which helped revive traditional Korean farmers’ music.
Over the next few years, SamulNori concerts were packed with large numbers of urban youth (Hesselink, 2004). By the mid-1980s, “SamulNori established training institutes for school children in South Korea and Japan, made regular tours to Europe and the United States, released a series of commercial recordings, and appeared on numerous television and radio broadcasts” (Hesselink, 2004, p. 410). As more musicians formed their own groups that modeled SamulNori, the term “samulnori” came to describe the genre of Korean percussion music (Hesselink, 2004). This influenced the performance of samulnori in two ways. First, while this music was originally performed by many amateur musicians, it is now a more refined performance repertoire with fewer and trained performers (Kang & Yoo, 2016). Second, samulnori quickly grew in popularity in Korea and overseas (Kang & Yoo, 2016). Today, many Koreans see samulnori as integral to their country’s musical heritage; it is practiced by people of all ages (Kang & Yoo, 2016).
All in all, Samulnori has become an integral piece in Korea’s musical roots due to its origins, instruments, symbolism, and evolution. Korean society and its government influenced the preservation of rural folk music through enacting the Cultural Asset Preservation Law. This law aimed to preserve Korean culture by designating art forms as cultural assets. Samulnori originated from this rural folk music known as p’ungmul and is comprised of the same core percussion instruments. Samulnori rapidly grew in popularity after Duksoo Kim and the other original members of the group SamulNori performed this traditional percussion music in a concert hall in Seoul. These musicians revitalized p’ungmul and modified it, later naming it samulnori. After this pivotal performance, numerous musicians took after SamulNori, forming their own groups. Samulnori became extremely popular not only within Korea but globally. Ultimately, in modern day Korea and around the world, samulnori is viewed as a vital piece of musical heritage in Korea.