Studying gender and sexuality can often provide insight into the values, beliefs, and social narratives in any one given society. Indeed, looking beyond one’s immediate notions of such concepts allows us to comprehend the cultural complexities and uniqueness of other societies. Thus, the following analysis of Preclassic, Classic, and Postclassic societies seeks to better understand the change, continuity, and novelty of themes of gender identity, sexuality, and gender ideology throughout Mesoamerica.
The Zapotec of Northern Oaxaca, a preclassic society (2,000-200 CE), challenged binarims by formally recognizing individuals known as “Muxe,” a third gender (Stephen). To start, it is important to note that research about cultural notions of gender in preclassic societies is difficult due to the absence of writing, a classic period invention. As a result, the author of the literature referenced in this section employed a direct historical approach to study modern Zapotec gender ideologies that can then be used to elucidate their pre-writing past. With that established, members of the Muxe appear to be predominantly male, yet adopt a lot of the mannerisms and forms of expression associated with women, resulting in a gender that occupies a liminal space in between the two (Stephen). However, this gender is not equated with sexuality, as most Western societies might assume. In fact, despite being perceived to be separate from men, it is entirely normalized for Muxe to enter into long-term relationships with both males and females (Stephen). What also distinguishes the Muxe is their roles both in and out of the household. Some Muxe concern themselves with “female” roles, including home repairs, embroidery, and sewing clothes, while others make jewelry, a “male” job (Stephen). Moreover, many are in politics as elected officials, demonstrating the degree to which gender non-binarism has been accepted within modern Zapotec culture. Thus, it can be hypothesized that preclassic Zapotec society embraced a non-binary gender system as well.
In Classic Maya societies (200- 900 CE), the material record indicates that male and female roles were distinct, sometimes fluid, but egalitarian (Brumfiel & Robin 2008). That is, male and female jobs were (mostly) separate yet complimentary, as explained by Robin and her research at Chan, a small, Maya site in Belize (Brumfiel & Robin 2008). Specifically, the domains of agriculture and cooking are used to shed light onto Maya gender dynamics. As Robin argues, Chan’s famous and novel terrace system called for “local understandings of the landscape and required the variable labor of all ages and genders of household members across different stages of terrace construction, use, and maintenance” (Brumfiel & Robin 2008). Additionally, Robin cites that the prevalence of pots and jars rather than comals in and around Chan suggest that the women made “soups and gruels” rather than grilled foods and tortillas, as they took less time to prepare and were less labor intensive (Brumfiel & Robin 2008). What this suggests is that women were concerned with being available to partake in other activities such as housework and child rearing, but also terrace maintenance and agriculture, as the close proximity between the house and the field often blurred these domains of labor (Brumfiel & Robin 2008). Indeed, while there were gendered labor distinctions in classic Maya cities, work was seen as collaborative, fluid, and equal, suggesting an egalitarian ethic with respect to gender.
In contrast, the Aztec state (1428-1521) sponsored a system of gender hierarchy (Taube). This system was not explicitly intended to subjugate women. Rather, it was military propaganda that sought to glorify the male warrior to create incentive for men, both Aztec and otherwise, to serve the empire through successful military conquest (Taube). As a result of this glorification of masculinity, women were now seen in opposition to men, being perceived as cause for celestial disorder who were “destined” for subjugation (Taube). However, for obvious reasons, women were (and are) integral to renew Aztec society via propagation. So, to provide women with their own aspirational figures, various female deities served as role models for ideal behavior (Taube). Consequently, female figurines were prevalent throughout Aztec sites as they were used to materialize and reinforce what it meant to be a virtuous, Aztec woman (Taube). One such example is the Aztec urban city of Yautepec. At Yautepec, approximately 70% of figurines were female (Taube). What this suggests is that these figurines were state-sponsored tools to promote the importance of female behavioral norms in regards to family, the home, labor, ritual, and society (Taube).
The Zapotec construction of gender, the division of labor in Chan, and the state-sponsored gender hierarchy in the Aztec empire all serve as examples of some of the unique articulations and implications of gender throughout Mesoamerican history.