Annotated Bibliography:
Adolescent exposure to physical, emotional and sexual abuse as factors for the perpetration and victimization of intimate partner violence (IPV) and impairment of adult relationships
Taylor J. Harslem
Instructor: Melissa Maxey
Intro to Sociology
18 November 2018
Article:
Intimate partner violence and the overlap of perpetration and victimization: Considering the influence of physical, sexual and emotional abuse in childhood.
Citation:
Richards, Tara N., et al. “Intimate Partner Violence and the Overlap of Perpetration and
Victimization: Considering the Influence of Physical, Sexual, and Emotional Abuse in Childhood.” Child Abuse & Neglect, vol. 67, 27 Feb. 2017, pp. 240–248., doi:10.1016/j.chiabu.2017.02.037.
Abstract:
Using data from Wave 4 of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, this study examined the independent relationship of childhood maltreatment type (emotional, sexual, physical) on IPV victimization and perpetration; then mutually exclusive categories of IPV involvement (victimization, perpetration, and victimization/perpetration) were investigated. IPV victimization and perpetration were assessed using items from the revised Conflict Tactics Scales. A series of binary regression models and multinomial regression models were estimated. Models were stratified across gender. Results uncovered significant relationships between child physical abuse and IPV victimization as well as IPV perpetration for males and females, but this effect was reduced when emotional maltreatment was added to the model. When IPV victimization/perpetration was considered, maltreatment effects changed. For males, physical maltreatment remained significantly related to victimization only and physical, sexual, and emotional maltreatment were related to victimization/perpetration. For females, physical maltreatment remained significantly related to IPV victimization only and emotional maltreatment was related to perpetration only and to victimization/perpetration. Screening and intervention for maltreatment, including emotional maltreatment, among children as well as adults with IPV histories may be important to preventing first IPV experiences and stemming current involvement.
Annotation:
This article is centered on physical, sexual and emotional abuse as contributing factors to rates of intimate partner violence perpetration and intimate partner violence victimization, as well as intimate partner violence victim-perpetration. It seeks to answer two questions. Does the understanding of the cycle of abuse change when considering childhood emotional abuse? And what is the importance of intimate partner violence victim-perpetration in this cycle? (Richards 245)
They set about answering these questions in the article by extrapolation information from data gathered by the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health Waves 1 and 4. The data was gathered from 52 middle schools and 80 high schools in the United States (Richards 242). The data was then narrowed to exclude the 513 individuals who identified as homosexual and bisexual due to the focus of the study on heterosexual relationships. From the 14,287 individuals remaining, 5715 men and 6664 women, totaling 12379, had variables fitting the parameters of the inquisition.
After analyzing the data, researchers came to the conclusion that their hypotheses were supported by the findings. The results showed that emotional abuse in childhood abuse was a determining factor in both intimate partner violence victimization and perpetration. The correlation between intimate partner violence perpetration and maltreatment type differs between gender, however intimate partner violence victimization is the same for both males and females. Failure to measure intimate partner violence overlap between victim and perpetrator may skew our understanding of the relationship between abuse and intimate partner violence and how we treat it (Richards 245).
Several sociological principles are demonstrated in this article, including, how connections in primary groups shape our ideals of what is acceptable behavior and treatment of others, role expectations as far as gender and hierarchy of power, and the cycle of abuse. By demonstrating that childhood abuse leads to adulthood abuse the pattern of hereditary or cyclical abuse is reinforced. In childhood, and especially early childhood, young minds are soaking up as much information as they can about social cues and ideals. The primary source for this knowledge at this age is from the primary group of the nuclear family. If a family is one that is plagued by intimate partner violence than it is safe to assume that the child or children in the household will view this as acceptable behavior. For example if a father smacks his wife because she talked out of turn or did not complete something to her husbands standards then the daughter will learn to be quiet and subservient. More over if the same pattern of smacking is also practiced on the children then the concept is enforced twice as hard. These behaviors enforce in children’s mind a hierarchy: Man of the house, Wife, Male Child, Female Child. Though this is not always the pattern that is seen it is one of the most prevalent.
The reading of this article validated not only my own feelings, but also my own experiences and by reading this article I feel validated by the sociological evidence behind this particular article. It validates both emotional abuse and the tendency for abused children to end up in intimate partner violence victimization roles. Now I no longer feel as guilty for ending up in abusive relationships and hope that I may use this knowledge to attempt to break the cycle of abuse.
Article:
Childhood abuse and neglect and adult intimate relationships: a prospective study
Citation:
Colman, Rebecca A., and Cathy Spatz Widom. “Childhood Abuse and Neglect and Adult Intimate Relationships: a Prospective Study.” Child Abuse & Neglect, vol. 28, no. 11, 20 Jan. 2004, pp. 1133–1151., doi:10.1016/j.chiabu.2004.02.005.
Abstract:
Objective: The present study extends prior research on childhood maltreatment and social functioning by examining the impact of early childhood physical abuse, sexual abuse, and neglect on rates of involvement in adult intimate relationships and relationship functioning. Method: Substantiated cases of child abuse and neglect from 1967 to 1971 were matched on gender, age, race, and approximate family class with non-abused and non-neglected children and followed prospectively into adulthood. Between 1989 and 1995, 1,196 participants (676 abused and neglected and 520 controls) were administered a 2-hour in-person interview, including a psychiatric assessment and a variety of standardized rating scales. Results: Male and female abuse and neglect victims reported higher rates of cohabitation, walking out, and divorce than controls. Abused and neglected females were also less likely than female controls to have positive perceptions of current romantic partners and to be sexually faithful. Conclusions: Although previous research on childhood maltreatment and adult intimate relationships has emphasized outcomes for female victims of childhood sexual abuse, present findings suggest that other forms of early maltreatment (physical abuse and neglect) also have a negative effect on both males' and females' ability to establish and maintain healthy intimate relationships in adulthood.
Annotation:
The main hypotheses and focus of this article was to determine three things. First, if adult victims of child abuse are less likely than their non-abused peers to marry or be in a romantic relationship. Second, if abused adults would be more likely to have less or non-committal relationships than the control group. Third, if adults with a history of abuse had higher rates of dysfunctional relationships including, separation, divorce, and cheating and characterize their spouse as unsupportive and less caring. These hypotheses were tested individually for physical abuse, neglect, and sexual abuse for both males and females.
Data in this study was gathered from several sources. Group one was derived from cases of child abuse and neglect records of county juvenile and criminal courts in a Midwest cities metropolitan area between the years of 1967 and 1971. Only the cases that had court substantiated evidence of abuse of children 11 years old or younger at the time of the abuse were selected. The control group was formed by children matching the age, sex, race, and approximate social class of the abused children during the time of the study (1967-1971). Those not yet of school age at the time of the abuse were matched to a control group child of the same sex, race, date of birth (± 1 week), and hospital of birth by using county birth records. Children of school age were found matches using more than 100 elementary schools for children of the same age, sex, race, date of birth (± 6 months), grade and home address with a preferences of within a 5 block radius to each other. In total 74% of abused children were found a match. Data was also collected from a two-hour voluntary interview approximately 25 years later. Of the original 1,575 sample children (908 abused, 667 controls) 1,292 (82%) of participants were found and 1196 (76%) agreed to be interviewed.
The data disproved that childhood victimization and abuse significantly diminished the likelihood of ever marrying. However it did show that abused male and female children are at a higher risk for cohabitation than the control group. Male victims are also significantly less likely to be currently involved in a committed relationship than both female abused and both control groups. Of those who had ever married or cohabitated those who had been abused were significantly increased to be in a dysfunctional relationship and twice as likely to walk out on a partner. This was significant in all groups except physically abused females. Childhood abuse and neglect was also associated with lower rates of sexual faithfulness in females but not males. All forms of maltreatment had more than double the rate of divorce compared to the ever married control subjects with the highest divorce rates found in sexually abused males. Married female but not male victims of abuse were more likely to have committed infidelity with multiple partners. Sexually abused females also had significantly lower relationship quality ratings compared to controls. Thus hypothesis one was disproved and hypotheses two and three were confirmed by the data.
Over all this article ties into sociology by delving into the social contract of marriage and how previous trauma can alter the societally expected outcome of a relationship. Those at the fringes of society as children, the abused and neglected, tend to stay at the fringe by not participating in socially approved relationship progressions from dating to monogamous committed marriage and staying in that marriage.
I believe this article to be an important read not only for sociologists, but also for people who were abused as children. It provides a hope and a comfort that marriage is still possible regardless of a rough upbringing. Humans as social creatures need this positive encouragement to stay sane.
Article:
Types of adolescent exposure to violence as predictors of adult intimate partner violence
Citation:
Menard, Scott, et al. “Types of Adolescent Exposure to Violence as Predictors of Adult Intimate Partner Violence.” Child Abuse & Neglect, vol. 38, no. 4, 1 Mar. 2014, pp. 627–639., doi:10.1016/j.chiabu.2014.02.001.
Abstract:
Despite evidence that exposure to violence in adolescence may be more predictive of problem behavior outcomes than exposure to violence in earlier childhood, there is limited research on the relationship of adolescent exposure to violence on adult intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetration and victimization. This study examines the relationship of adolescent physical abuse victimization, witnessing parental violence, and adolescent exposure to violence in the community, to perpetration of and victimization by IPV in middle age. Respondents are drawn from a nationally representative longitudinal sample with data collected from 1976–77 to 2002–03, age 11–17 when first interviewed and 37–43 when last interviewed. Univariate descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations are presented, along with Heckman two-step models calculated separately for females and males. The use of the Heckman two-step model allows prediction not only of adult IPV, but also of selection out of intimate partner relationships (i.e., out of the at-risk population). For males, in the multivariate analysis, only physical abuse remains significant as a predictor. For females, adolescent exposure to violence is not predictive of adult IPV perpetration or victimization, but physical abuse is predictive of not being in the at-risk population (married or cohabiting). The combined index of adolescent exposure to violence is significant for both females and males in predicting selection into marriage or cohabitation, and at least marginally significant in predicting IPV.
Annotation:
In this article the main focus is on finding out if the four proposed hypotheses are substantiated by data. One, is physical abuse in adolescence associated with higher middle adult intimate partner violence. Two, does witnessing parental violence raise the rate of middle adult intimate partner violence. Three, is exposure to neighborhood violence associated with raised middle adult intimate partner violence. Four, is a combination of all three exposures to violence correlated with adult intimate partner violence.
Date in this study was found in the National Youth Survey Family Study and consisted of twelve waves of data gathered over 27 years. 2,360 youth aged 11-17 were eligible and 1,725 (73%) participated in the study. Waves 2-4 (177-1980) had above 94% completion, wave 5 (1981) had 87%, wave 6 (1984) had 87%, wave 7 (1987) had 80%, wave 8 (1990) had 83%, wave 9 (1993) had 78% wave 10 (2002) had 75%, wave 11 (2003) had 70%. In the end 726 cases had complete data including 393 females and 333 males. However due to the nature of the hypotheses only those in married or serious relationships were used in this study. 238 females and 317 males were not married or cohabiting and were only included on the first phase of the Heckman two-step analysis for a grand total of 1281 participants of 74% of the original sample.
Results from this data are congruent with previous studies. Females reported higher rates of perpetration than males. Though it is important to keep in mind that female on male victimization often has far less physical consequences than male on female victimization. Both genders reported 12% exposure to neighborhood violence and 12-13% reported inconsistent parental violence. Females however reported higher rates of playing witness to consistent parental violence and physical abuse at a staggering 16% vs. 9% and 8% vs. 5%. Males had a 37% report of felony assault vs. females 15%. Higher rates of violent victimization also came from males at a rate of 77% and females reported only 56%.
This data conclusively proves all four hypotheses correct. Children with a history of abuse reported higher rates of intimate partner violence when looked at from physical abuse, parental abuse, neighborhood abuse and all three combined. Though not all of these categories had staggeringly huge differences all reported a gap of at least 3%.
From a sociological standpoint this study reinforces the concept of “the village” and the absorption of data from young minds. By looking at the neighborhood violence statistics we can see that children are not just learning intimate partner violence from their primary socialization group but from secondary ones as well. Therefore if “the village” is violent over all then the children raised by and exposed to them are more likely to be violent. This article reminds us all to be aware of how we present ourselves and act around children as regardless of our connection to them or what socialization group we fall into for them, we are still making an impression on their young minds.
After reading this article I am more aware of how my actions in public may be influencing the socialization of others even if not directly interacting with them. Small actions or comments no matter how off handed can leave a child with the wrong idea of social clues. Though it does not all fall down to one person individually to form a child’s sociological views, repeated exposure to the same behaviors good or bad will eventually lead the child to a conclusion.