Inca Craft Specialization and Resulting Political Economy
Craft specialization often emerge in societies when there becomes a food surplus. The emergence of craft specialization in the Incan Empire is no exception. This food surplus was controlled by the state and allocated to the people under Incan control through the elite class (D’altroy et al., 1985). As craft specialization began to emerge, the Incan Empire used its control and stratification of classes to further divide the workforce into specializations. The stratification of classes allowed further development of an economy in which tributes became obligatory to the Incan state which contributed to the accumulation of wealth for the Incan Empire.
The Incan empire capitalized and perfected craft specialization within their empire. The Incan empire required a labor tribute obligation from citizens of their state. These tributes varied depending on the region and household, however, it appears that each household had their own obligations towards the state. For some this meant preparing craft goods such as pottery and textiles and for others it meant collecting these craft and trade goods (Hayashida, 1999) The control over these crafted goods assisted in the accumulation of wealth for the Incan state (Vaughn, 2006). In some cases, specialists were even relocated to state installations (Hayashida, 1999). The tributes collected by the state were distributed as the king saw fit. There is even some evidence that suggests a welfare type distribution in some regions (Murra, 1962). This helped stimulate and drive the economy throughout the empire and allowed for further craft specialization and class stratification.
Not only did the state have a monopoly on many of the crafts through obligatory tributes, the state controlled the materials needed for the manufacturing of these goods. The Incan state class system would have been largely centered around the economic development of craft specialization. As more specialized crafts emerged, there became a greater need for a middle class between the elite and peasant classes to allow for communication between the two as well as management over the lesser classes. The Incan state most likely utilized regional chiefs to oversee the production and distribution of these goods and materials (Morris & Hunt, 1974).
One of the major influences in Incan craft specialization and economic growth was in cloth. There were two main sources of material for cloth in the Cuzco region, wool and cotton (Murra, 1962). There is evidence that the Incan Empire had a sexual division of labor in which women were primarily those who made textiles for warmth and wear; However, men were not exempt from weaving and did weave things such as sacks (Murra, 1962). While many women made the clothing for their families, some also made the clothing and garments for the elite. Unfavorable conditions in the region combined with the nature of textiles, there are few left in the archaeological record. Some of the major textile that remain are found on the mummies of the elite class. Roughly 300 square meters of cotton cloth is found with each mummy (Murra, 1962). The amount of time and talent it would take to weave these textiles prove there was a textile craft specialization within the Incan empire.
Pottery production and distribution was also controlled by the state. In fact, similar techniques and pottery found in differing regions suggest training by the state may have taken place (Hayashida, 1999). Similar to textiles, there were two main categories of pottery that were made: everyday pottery and obligatory tribute pottery. Everyday pottery within the Incan Empire seemed to maintain region specific influences, including building techniques. Obligatory tribute pottery, was greatly specified and had little variation (Hayashida, 1999). The retraining of pottery makers within the Incan empire suggest a wider purpose than the craft itself. The Incan state used retraining and tribute obligations as a way to reinforce their rule (Hayashida, 1999). The dispersal of the pottery was a literal visual representation of the empire.
Control over the citizens in the Incan empire was essential to the further development of the state. Organizational control over the production and distribution of goods certainly would assist in that control, however, the Incan employed many techniques for gaining control over those in their Empire. Specifically, relocating those who became a part of their empire appears to have been the most efficient (Bauer & Covey, 2002). By relocating their subjects, the Incan forced their subjects to switch their regional and cultural identity. The moving of a thousand weavers to produce cloth for the Incan military was a way to ensure the identity of those workers became unified in their specialization (Hayashida, 1999). The relocation of these workers allowed the intensification of craft production which is directly responsible to building the Incan political economy (Vaughn, 2006). Many subjects were relocated to the Cuzco basin to assist in the production of agriculture (Bauer & Covey, 2002). This directly stimulated the economy by ensuring a food surplus, which could allow the specialization of crafts to continue to develop.
While some Incan citizens were relocated, those with advantageous kinship, were typically allowed to remain in their native region (Bauer & Covey, 2002). Alliances, often through marriage, were made with the pre-existing elite families. As a result, these families were allowed to remain in control of the regions, assuming they would collect and pay the appropriate tributes to the Incan empire. Incan alliances gave rise to the stratification of classes seen throughout the entire region. These elite families essentially ran local administrative agencies. The development of textile, pottery and agriculture specialization and the regional division of leadership allowed local administrative agencies to accumulate wealth which in turn supported a centralized leadership, the Incan nobility.
This political economy allowed the expansion of institutional development throughout the region (Earle, 1994). Through political means, such as marriage, the Incan empire was able to gain access and control to many more material goods. Which allowed the Incan state to gain wealth through staple finance, or the political finance involving essential goods. The Incans used these goods to support the entire empire through the redistribution of goods (Earle, 1994). While this may have been the most logical type of wealth given their lifestyle, in practice this type of wealth is difficult to maintain. Moving and storing agricultural goods, pottery, and textiles proved difficult for the Incan empire. Perhaps that is why regional storage houses were used to ease some of the difficulty (D’altroy et al., 1985). Those who had been left in charge of their regions were often in control of the regional storage houses. This made it essential that the Incan state remain in good favor with the elite in each region. While logistical production and management was essential to gaining staple wealth, so was the social relations within the empire (D’altroy et al., 1985).
In addition to staple finance, the Incan state also had a large accumulation of wealth finance. Wealth finance refers to valuables or “goods that are treated solely as prestige items” (D’altroy et al., 1985).