Water is an essential human right, and a safe, reliable and affordable supply is vital for sustainable development. However, around a billion people in lack access to such a water supply, making it one of the most significant problems in developing countries (Coles and Wallace, 2005). Municipalities have struggled to keep up with the rapid growth of their populations, failing to expand their water management and infrastructures fast enough (Panda, 2007). Globally, 42% of people are still without a piped supply on their premises and have to leave their homes to fetch water from the nearest well or borehole (improved source) or the nearest, river, lake or pond (unimproved source) (UN Women, 2015a). This burden, more often than not, falls disproportionately to women, who have primary responsibility for the management of household water and keeping a clean home environment.
Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) accounts for nearly half of the global population without improved water sources and two-thirds of the population report having to leave their homes to fetch water (Pickering et al., 2010; UN Women, 2015a). Due to high levels of poverty, water supplies are often sub-optimal, and only 15-16% of households in SSA have piped water on premises (WHO and UNICEF, 2012). Sub-Saharan Africa did not reach the 2015 drinking water Millennium Development Goal to half its population relying on unimproved water sources by 2015, but global averages have masked the lack of improvement on water-related issues in SSA and further masked the disparities between urban and rural populations within a country (World Health Organisation, 2017). Around 71% of women in SSA are the primary water collectors in their households and can spend up to 4 hours a day on this task (UN, 2010) (another). Most have to make multiple trips in order to collect the 20 litres per person per day defined as ‘basic access’ necessary for drinking, washing and cooking (C. Van Wijk-Sibesma, 1998; Howard and Bartram, 2003).
Water collection labour can have significant adverse impacts on women’s health, safety and livelihoods. Many women travel long distances to reach their local or preferred water source and, in doing so, expose themselves to danger including the risk of physical or sexual assault. This risk increases in times of water scarcity when women must travel even longer distances to unknown areas for their daily water supply. The transportation of water places high physical demands on women’s bodies, leaving them at risk of musculoskeletal disorders. As well as this, sub-optimal water access can lead to mental health illnesses, and the considerable energy requirements to chronic malnutrition and increased risk of disease. Furthermore, the time-consuming task of water collection can take many hours out of a woman’s day, hours that could otherwise be spent in education, income-generating activities, taking part in community groups or caring for their families. A study in Kenya found that women reported spending four and half hours a week fetching water and 24% of the women studied stated that it prevented them from caring for their children properly (Collins et al., 2017). It does not seem unreasonable to presume that the provision of water in closer proximity to households would plausibly reduce the negative impacts of water collection for women.
Due to their vast involvement with water, women have accumulated considerable knowledge about water resources, including location, quality and storage methods, yet, despite this, they are still very often excluded from the decision-making process when it comes to environmental and water issues and tend to be largely under-represented in community decision groups (Guslits and Phartiyäl, 2010; Figueiredo and Perkins, 2013; UN Women, 2015a). Although many SSA countries have made efforts to enhance the social and economic status of women through the establishment of policy and legal frameworks, they have had little effect. The African Development Group has recognised that customary and traditional restrictions are still a significant obstacle in the way of integrating women into development (African Development Bank, 2009).
This study takes a gendered perspective to analysing the water situation of 31 Sub-Saharan African countries, using data collected from the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) and Demographic Health Survey (DHS) household surveys, to understand gender inequalities and inequities across the region.
1.1 Research Aims
- To identify gender differences in water collection labour in SSA, focusing specifically on the gender of the primary water collector.
- To analyse water collection times in each of the 31 SSA countries and calculate the absolute number of women who travel more than half an hour each day to collect water.
- To quantitatively and qualitatively investigate the free-time, health and wellbeing implications of the burden of water collection on women.
- To use the findings of this study to suggest future improvements to policy and infrastructure to aid the women of SSA in their water-collecting duties.
2.3 The Issue of Access-Time Spent Collecting Water
“Lack of access to an improved water source, or even difficult to unreliable conditions of access, translates into ‘time poverty’ for women and children (UN, 2006; Ray, 2007). Access-time is an important aspect of water collection with UNICEF estimating women in SSA spend 16 million hours a day collecting water (WHO and UNICEF, 2012; Caruso, 2017). In a typical household, more than one trip a day is needed in order to provide an adequate amount of water for the whole family, and therefore, time spent on the task of water collection can easily take longer than 30-minutes each day. The UN found that the quantity of water collected per household declined dramatically if the source was more than half an hour away (UN Women, 2015a).
In SSA, the average time spent fetching water is the highest in the developing world; here the Joint Monitoring Programme (JMP) for Water Supply reports a single roundtrip takes on average 33 minutes in rural areas and 25 minutes in urban areas (WHO and UNICEF, 2014). This length of time is made worse by water shortages and uneven supply (UNICEF and The World Health Organisation, 2008).
Several studies have demonstrated suitable methods for the analysis of water collection times of women. Grayham et al. (2016) used MICS and DHS data to analyse access-times in 24 Sub-Saharan African countries; they estimated 13.54 million adult females in SSA were primary water collectors in households that had collection times over half an hour, and, across all countries, a higher percentage of female children were responsible for water collection than male children. Sorenson et al (2011) reported the average trip to a water source takes over an hour in Mauritania and Somalia, where two-thirds of water collection is performed by women. Cairncross et al. (1987) found that people in the community of Mueda in Mozambique ‘cooked little, and only once a day’ because a single water collection trip could take up to five hours in some cases. However, it is important to understand that the measurement of time in these studies is self-reported and potentially biased. Ray (2007) suggests a better indicator of the size of the burden is ‘Time Spent Collecting,’ as this also includes waiting in line, which can take over an hour, and is a significant factor in how much time water collection takes out of a woman’s day. Jeff et al. (2014) suggests that the distance to a water source should be included in the definition of whether a source is ‘improved’ or not and that, by using the Howard and Bartram’s definition of basic access as under a 30-minute round-trip, the number of households classified as having access to an improved water source would be reduced (Howard and Bartram, 2003).
2.4 The Negative Consequences of Water Collection
For women across all developing regions of the world, the daily task of water collection can be highly problematic and impact nearly every aspect of their lives.
2.4.1 Education
Ray (2007) asserts that “The lack of reliable access to water is a major contributor to continued gender inequality in education and opportunities”. The 2006 UN Human Development Report states that in many countries there is a ‘straight trade-off’ between time spent in education and time spent collecting water. Koolwal and Van de Walle (2013) found that in countries with large gender gaps in education, the enrolment of both boys and girls increased with improved access to water. It is common for girls to arrive late to school due to collecting water and even to be pulled out of school in order to watch younger children whilst their mothers collect water (Graham et al., 2016). A study of school children in Ghana found one third of girls arrived late to school due to water collection; furthermore, children were found to experience fatigue and lack concentration in class due to the collection of water before school(). In contrast however, some participants in a study by Geer et al (2010) expressed that the task of water collection allowed them to contribute to family life, take exercise and earn money, making it a positive task to be carrying out.
2.4.2 Employment
Women often spend most of their time in domestic labour tasks and are unable to participate in income-generating activities. A growing body of literature studies the role of improved water infrastructure and the availability in women’s labour supply (Ilahi and Grimard, 2000; Menon, 2009). An ‘economic perspective’ put forward by Sorenson et al (2011) focuses on the loss of opportunity for women who are fetching water and suggests that women who no longer had to carry out the time-consuming task of water collection, would spend it in employment and community groups. Ilahi and Grimard (2000) found there was a positive association between travelling greater distances to a water source and water collection rates for women, which in turn lowered their participation in income-generating activities. However, in households with water on premises, women were less likely to spend time in employment, but rather spend time on leisure. Cairncross et al (1987) found that when water collection distances were lower, women had, on average, 48 minutes more rest each day which could be spent on income-generating activities.
2.4.3 Health
The fetching of water can have a variety of implications for the health of women and their families. Women’s mental health is often affected by the stress of choosing an adequate water source that will not put their family’s health at risk (Sultana, 2011). Stevenson et al (2012) found women experience more symptoms associated with poor mental health when faced with greater water insecurity, and concluded that a positive correlation between stress and water insecurity could be seen. Longer water collection times have also been found to be significantly associated with disease; the calorific expenditure of carrying out such a task can severely tire and weaken an individual, potentially leading to malnourishment and high susceptibility to disease. Pickering and Davis (2012) discovered a 15-minute decrease in one-way walk time to be associated with an 11% decrease in under-five mortality rate and a 41% reduction in diarrhoea prevalence. Santaniello-newton and Hunter (2000) discovered that a Meningococcal disease epidemic seemed to spread along routes people took to collect water in a Sudanese refugee camp. Exposure to chemical agents present in some water sources has also been shown to cause a variety of health effects from vomiting to cancer and foetal abnormalities (Hunter, 1997).
The association between spinal pain and water-carrying, and its potential to lead to musculoskeletal disorders, is also a significant risk to health from the collection of water. Geer et al (2010) found water to be carried mainly by women and children via head loading, with 68% of participants reporting neck or back pain; furthermore, there was a significant correlation between self-reported pain and the weight of containers carried via head loading.
Steep, uneven terrain and narrow, slippery footpaths pose an enormous risk of falling. This risk is exacerbated when a woman is pregnant, and this, along with the carrying of heavy loads, can lead to miscarriage or early labour. (UN, 2010; Sorenson, Morssink and Campos, 2011).
2.4.4 Violence
The collection of water exposes women to the risk of physical, sexual or psychological violence. Several studies have found strong links between greater distances travelled to a water source and increased risk of rape or violent attacks by men (Kichner, 2007; Reddy and Snehalatha, 2011). In Cameroon, girls report having to collect water late at night, in order to meet their family’s needs, which puts them at serious risk of sexual harassment, abuse and rape (K. Thompson et al., 2017). Shah (2002) found that women experience abuse from farmers who own the private wells they use as their water source. A UNHCR (2006) study in Malawi also found women fighting with other women and girls in the queue. As well as this, women also face the risk of domestic violence over the water they bring home (Stevenson et al., 2012). The risk of domestic violence is worse in periods of drought when women have to travel further for water and return home with less. Domestic violence has also been found to increase due to changes in climate and global warming, which have forced women to locate new, less reliable sources (Tandon, 2007; Stevenson et al., 2012).
2.5 The Exclusion of Women from Water Management
The central role of women in water management is often overlooked by community management strategies and women themselves have little to no participation in community water distribution and management decisions (UN Water, 2006; Swyngedouw, 2013). In much of SSA, women’s involvement in the sustainable development and management of water is limited by existing gender inequality and women’s time constraints (Panda, 2007). Furthermore, women are hampered by unequal access to economic resources, information and technology (UN Women, 2015a). A UN report (2012) found that the involvement of women in water policy decisions was ‘time-consuming and unpopular’ within communities. Singh (2006) goes further to explain that women are ‘discouraged by and disinterested in the decision-making process’. Additionally, Husbands often view their wives’ involvement in such activities as interfering with their domestic responsibilities and discourage or disallow them from participating (Singh, 2006). Roy and Crow () suggest significant barriers faced by women are the civil codes and legislation that limit women’s land and property rights, and in turn their water rights.
2.6 Strategies/Policies Attempting to Integrate Women into Water Management
Equitable access to water can empower women and help to confront gender inequality (UN Women, 2015b). Evidence from the World Bank has shown water projects are six to seven times more effective when they involve women in their setting-up and management (UNICEF, 2010). Encouraging the participation of women in decision-making, and addressing gender imbalances within communities, are the first steps in many inclusion strategies to advance community well-being (Singh, 2006; Panda, 2007; Ivens, 2008; Faeth and Weinthal, 2012). Non-Government Organisation (NGO) action programmes have trained women in South Africa, Lesotho and Uganda in water-related careers, as well as to locate water sources and repair pumps (UN Water, 2006). WILL ADD ANOTHER SENTENCE IN HERE ON ANOTHER STRATEGY. Whilst some believe the issues of water collection are rooted in power, poverty and inequality (Harris, 2006; Mganda and Petit, 2011), Ray (2007) highlights the reality that poverty reduction, or better access to water, does not ensure the greater wellbeing of all women.
2.7 Synthesis
The literature review identifies the specific consequences of the task of water collection providing useful variables for this research. The large number of studies citing women as primary water collectors, and differing results on women’s water collection times, allows a meaningful comparison for the results of this study.