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Essay: The Scottish National Party

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The Scottish National Party

Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 Context and argument
‘As far as I can tell SNP European policy seems to go by various stages of the moon’ (Interview Sir Tam Dalyell 2013)
While this perhaps cynical view comes from a former Labour MP and opponent to the Scottish National Party (SNP), it offers a perspective on the party’s fluctuating European policy which, as literature evidences, has shifted significantly over a relatively short history.
A growing area of interest in political sciences has been on minority nationalist parties in Europe, and their European standpoints, which over time vary considerably. Literature concentrates on the wide movements of Europeanization and the effects of multilateralism and globalisation on parties, and while there is some previous work on the SNP’s European stance (e.g. Tarditi 2010, Ichijo 2004) this seeks to update these. Literature identifies significant variations in the SNP’s European standpoint; however tends to explain the reasoning for individual shifts (e.g. Lynch 2002, Hassan 2009). This dissertation attends to whether common factors contributing to historic policy changes can be seen within modern decision-making, and is particularly interested in the claim that, in recent years, the SNP has become ‘euro-tepid’ (De Winter and Lynch 2008:604 cited in Tarditi 2010). This tepidity seems surprising, given the increasing importance of multi-lateral organisations to the world system, which by some has been argued to be leading towards the death of the nation state (Daphne and Wallace 2001, Strange 1996, 1999).
The ‘Edinburgh Agreement’ gives Scottish Parliament legal authority to stage a referendum before the end of 2014 and break a political union active for over 300 years; SNP governance has, therefore, become a realistic scenario. Following this it is increasingly important to undertake critical analysis of the SNP, as after independence ‘Scottish politics would never be the same again’ (Lynch 2002:19). Should independence become a reality, given the growing importance of non-governmental organisations in the world, successful home rule would be closely related to Scotland’s position within the European Union (EU).
An exploration into the geopolitical history of the party, examining its European policies, can provide insight into understanding reasons for policies over the years. Identification of factors leading to change in the past may help to predict future scenarios and also delimit understandings of other minority nationalist parties in Europe.
1.2 Research Aims
The dissertation aims to:
1) Contribute to the literature on minority nationalist parties changing European attitudes, by examining the SNP.
2) Contribute to literature looking at minority nationalist parties changing European attitudes.
3) Consider whether past shifts can produce theorisations that hold relevance for SNP policy today.
4) Evaluate the claim that, since devolution, the SNP has adopted a Euro-tepid stance.
5) Conceptualise the role of Europe to the SNP.
1.3 Structure outline
The dissertation is divided into 7 chapters. Chapter 2 reviews the literature informing this research, and arguments developed. Chapter 3 outlines the research design for data collection. Chapters 4 and 5 present research findings; Chapter 4 reviews the development of the SNP’s position on Europe, giving a historiographical overview from party formation until devolution in 1999. Chapter 5 outlines evolutions within the party since devolution. Chapter 6 is a discussion section which explores key research questions and findings. Chapter 7 concludes the dissertation, outlining deductions and opportunities for subsequent research.

Chapter 2: Literature Review
2.1 The state in an era of globalisation
The idea of the state has been significant in political geography since Ratzel referred to it as an organic, living entity in the 19th century (Ratzel 1940), and as a territorial form the state is the building block of the world political map. Historically, geographers emphasised the form of states in absolute spatial terms, and have been interested in forces promoting and disturbing territorial integration (‘centipetal’ and ‘centrifugal’ forces) (Nayak and Jeffrey 2011, Hartshorne 1950). These methods attempted to explain the creation of the nation-state as based upon the distribution of resources between central and periphery territories (Marks and Wilson 2001).
However, scholars have now dismissed the old-nationalist paradigm of the nation as ideological and antiquated (Smith 2001); the idea that states are ‘natural’ and ‘enduring’ is regarded as an example of hypostatization and according to their critics these approaches view the nation as a ‘primordial collectivity’ (Smith 1998:76).
Instead it is understood that territorial boundaries of states no longer coincide with limits of political influence;
‘Where states were once masters of markets, now it is the markets which on many crucial issues are the masters over the governments of states’ the declining authority of states is reflected in a growing diffusion of authority to other institutions and associations, and to local and regional bodies, and in a growing asymmetry between the larger states with structural power and the weaker states without it’ (Strange 1996:4).
Institutions that have traditionally given political structure are seen to be increasingly inappropriate as constituencies are altered by economic and social change. Scholars argue that economic processes now flow across international boundaries like never before, limiting the abilities of single governments to control them (Painter and Jeffrey 2009, Taylor and Flint 2007). This has led to new kinds of relationships between governments as they try to regain control. The growth of the EU represents an attempt to exert political influence over economic affairs sat at a wider geographical scale than that of the nation state, and ties in with Castells (1998:339) argument that the amalgamation of states has led to a new entity: ‘the network state’.

2.2 The transformation of multilateralism
Multilateralism has become a ‘primary, interrelated norm of diplomatic culture’ (Wiseman 2010:5). It refers to cooperation between three or more states (Berridge and James 2003, Wolford 2013). The multilateral system was created to institutionalise intergovernmental cooperation, and today consists of numerous agencies and institutions, such as the EU. It represents the extension of state powers, controlling matters at geographical scale wider than in the past (Van Langenhove 2010).
Increased integration has greatly affected regional politics. No longer can countries be examined as impermeable closed systems. The state is ‘undeniably a messy concept’ (Mann 2008:53), and increasingly it is important to consider relations with organisations, like the EU, when looking at party policy, particularly to those with hopes of home rule, as amplified multilateralism has added a new component to domestic politics.
2.3 Europeanization
The EU is increasingly understood as a political system in its own right (Bache and George 2006). Resultantly academic work has shifted to understanding the implications of this development. Scholars theorise the Europeanization of politics in recent history; ‘the incremental process of re-orienting the direction and shape of politics to the extent that the EC (European Community) political and economic dynamics become part of the organisational logic of national politics and policy making’ (Ladrech 1994:69).
Europeanization differs from terms such as globalisation and multilateralism, referring to increased integration across borders, because of the geographical delimitation and the distinct nature of the pre-existing national framework which mediates the process of adjustment. The process of Europeanization does not result in the EU replacing the nation state, rather forces states to yield some sovereignty; ‘Nations are now being brought into new relations with each other, creating new alliances and enmities, and are even recreating themselves’ (Borneman and Fowler 1997:495). The EU appears to be disassembling the territorially orientated conditions between states (Keating and Loughlin 1997, Storper 1997, Cooke and Morgan 1998).
Europeanization means that regional parties can no longer be purely domestic actors as the EU transforms the role of national and regional actors (Dudek 2003). The importance of Europe to domestic politics has caused parties to incorporate EU issues within their own political agenda. This dissertation discusses the influence this process has had on the evolving policies of the SNP, in particular how this may fail to account for a more ‘euro-tepid’ SNP in recent years. Furthermore, it considers whether a key motivator for SNP change has been Europeanization and changing opportunities in Europe, or domestic political opportunities related to geographical imaginations, or a ‘marriage’ of the two.
2.4 Ethnoregionalism
From the late 1980s the idea of a ‘Europe of the Regions’ gained political prominence within the EU; advocated in particular by ‘ethnoregionalist’ minority nationalist parties (De Winter and Lynch 2008). ‘Enthoregionalism’ refers to parties that are relevant only within a subnational territorial division and have a population that the ‘enthoregionalist’ party argues to be culturally diverse and possess a unique identity. Their most defining characteristic is their demand for empowerment of the ‘ethnoregional collectivity’ (De Winter 2001:4). Thus, these parties demand the reorganisation of the political system and for a degree of self-government regionally.
European integration ‘constitutes an amplification of the democratic deficit’ and ‘strikes at the heart of the cleavage on which this party family is built’ because of the disempowerment associated with a higher level decision making centre and the regional periphery position (De Winter 2001:4). However as integration has proceeded, these ‘ethnoregionalist’ parties have not turned into Eurosceptics, rather the EU has provided a defining aspect of ‘neo-nationalism’ (McCrone 1998).
2.5 Minority nationalist parties
The operation of the state has experienced significant changes in recent years (Keating 2001b, MacCormick 1999, Bartolini 2005). Spatial rescaling as a result of supranational integration and decentralisation has radically altered the meaning of independence, as the state is no longer the source of ultimate authority (Tierney 2005). States have become increasingly ‘interdependent’ and, following this, scholars have begun to explore implications of shared sovereignty (Murkens et al 2002, Walker 2002). Questioning, if sovereignty is defined as ‘a plausible claim to ultimate authority made on behalf of particular polity’, whether a state in the EU can claim sovereignty (Walker 2002:345 cited in Hassan 2009).
Tierney (2005) argues that, because of this, over time nationalist parties have developed an increasingly nuanced approach, seeking complex constitutional arrangements within and beyond the state. Increasingly, minority nationalist parties within Europe have attached goals of self-determination to a European integration process, redefining national autonomy to include a European dimension (Lynch 1996 cited in Tarditi 2010). Despite theoretically speaking European integration should be opposed, as it involves further shared sovereignty, academics theorise minority nationalist parties are some of the most pro-European parties; arguing this is because they consider Europe as an ally in the deconstruction of the traditional state order (Elias 2009, Keating 2004). Several scholars highlight that Europe offers parties new opportunity structures which allow them to pursue self-determination (Lynch 1996, Keating 2001a, De Winter and Gomez-Reino 2002). De Winter and Lynch (2008) argue that European organisations can help set the political agenda, reinforce the role of regional governments and provide second-order electoral opportunities at European level.
2.6 Political opportunity
Hepburn (2008:552 cited in Tarditi 2010) acknowledges geopolitical change as a component of party evolution; ‘European integration is interpreted differently, often inversely, in different contexts and at different times- either as a set of opportunity structures or constraints for realising territorial threats’. Since Europe is currently accepted to offer new opportunity structures for the SNP, this dissertation seeks to identify reasons for changes in attitude temporally.
This dissertation uses the concept of the ‘structure of political opportunities’ in considering reasoning behind policy change. This theory accepts that political parties have to compete to attain votes, and rarely have the support or capacity to complete all objectives simultaneously. As a result, strategies become flexible to achieve the ‘greater good’ of electoral success (Eisinger 1973, Kitschelt 1986, Meyer and Minkoff 2004, Tarditi 2010). This logic suggests the SNP’s geopolitics may vary in order to progress towards their main goal of independence.

2.7 The Scottish National Party
The SNP is one of few minority nationalist parties with separatist aspirations (Hassan 2009). Their policy is, therefore, for an independent country, and this dissertation considers it in relation to literature on states, despite Scotland not formally existing as one.
On the 15th October 2012 the First Minister of Scotland Alex Salmond, and Prime Minister of England David Cameron signed the ‘Edinburgh Agreement’. This legally permits the Scottish Parliament to hold an independence referendum before 2015, providing an opportunity to break a political union active since 1707. The 2014 referendum confirms the progress that the SNP has made in recent history, given that until the 1960’s it could barely muster sufficient support to contest elections (Lynch 2002).
However, this dissertation is not solely relevant because of its practical value linking to the 2014 referendum; it is relevant because it links to questions asked by political scientists about the nature of European integration. A growing area of interest among scholars has been towards the EU, and the Europeanization of party politics. This has led to work exploring the SNP’s stance towards Europe (e.g. Mitchell 1996, Tarditi 2010). The literature acknowledges that there are many concepts of Europe held over time, which can explain partially a fluctuating political stance. Europe can be seen to represent a means of distinguishing the Scots from the English, as a means of achieving independence, as a space where a more just Scotland is possible, as a substitute for the British Empire, or at different times a centralist, capitalist and elitist organisation that challenges Scottish sovereignty (Ichijo 2004).
This research aims to update Tarditi’s (2010) work by exploring the more recent European stances of the SNP. Tarditi (2010:5) concentrates on the transition in the late 1980s, ‘on the SNP’s choice to abandon its radical hostility in favour of great enthusiasm towards the EU’. Tarditi argues that the SNP’s changes in this time can be understood in relation to political opportunities existing in the UK and Scotland, rather than opportunities offered at the European level, in order to maximise electoral success. This dissertation will consider whether Tarditi’s (2010) theorisation on the policy implementation remains relevant today.
Secondly Tarditi (2010) claims that recently the SNP has adopted a more tepid stance towards Europe; arguing that since devolution in 1999, signalled by the formation of the Scottish Parliament, the SNP has become more concerned with domestic issues than foreign affairs. This dissertation seeks to evaluate this claim.
2.8 Conclusion
It is clear that this topic has experienced growing levels of interest among political scientists in recent time. Generally, research seeks to explain why minority nationalist parties have adopted changing stances towards Europe; while specific literature on the SNP suggests varying reasons for major shifts. The literature leaves the researcher with some important questions; why have scholars claimed that since devolution the SNP has adopted a more critical stance to Europe, when wider discourses present conflicting arguments? Furthermore, is it possible to relate prior theorisations with recent changes in policy? This dissertation seeks to update previous work, evaluating the claim that since devolution the SNP has adopted a ‘euro-tepid’ stance, and exploring whether common factors can be seen in SNP policy changes over time.

Chapter 3: Methodology
3.1 Research design
In order to obtain reliable data, which could provide evidence for the SNP’s changing European stance and reasoning behind it, this dissertation uses triangulation methods. This combines different research methods to allow for a fuller understanding of the subject and facilitate validation of data through cross verification (Bogdan and Biklen 2006, Creswell 2002). This methodology follows designs of scholars who have done historical work on political parties (e.g. Driver and Martell 2006, Bale 2010), in collecting empirical data through secondary analysis of documents and semi-structured interviews, whilst supplementing research with selected literature when appropriate.
Geographers have criticised quantitative approaches to research since the 1970s in that positivist study conceptualises people as conceptual actors (Cloke et al 1992) and, in fact, human behaviour is ‘subjective, complex, messy, irrational and contradictory’ (Clifford et al 2010:5). Qualitative methods were chosen for this study, following the theory that quantitative methods confine data to set categories; restricting the potential for the in-depth understanding this project requires (Cresswell 1994). Qualitative techniques used are associated with the phenomenological paradigm that ‘rejects scientific, quantitative methods of explanation in favour of understanding and appreciation’ (Hubbard et al 2002:39).
As this dissertation is inductive; reasoning from the specific to the general hoping to construct explanatory theory as a result of data collection, the research will be intensive. This is most common in qualitative research (Clifford et al 2010). Intensive study seeks to explain relationships through looking in detail at a small number of case studies; in this case one, the SNP.
This research uses primary data. This allows the research to become ‘context dependent’ and revolve specifically around the dissertation topic (Kitchin and Tate 2000).
Archival research
Archival study was conducted to research party history. This uses materials not yet studied to provide analyses of past events (Offen 2012). Archives were obtained from The National Library of Scotland and consisted predominately of SNP publications.
Lowi (1972:299) suggests ‘policies determine politics’, and that researchers need to abandon strictly process orientated approaches to political phenomena. Lowi (1972) argues that political patterns can be better understood by understanding the policies motivating them first. Therefore, the archival reading focuses on the European policies outlined in SNP records.
This dissertation follows up archival research with newspaper research surrounding key events. Using newspaper archives as a secondary source allows data gained to be put in a relative context. Most major research in social movements has benefited from the study of newspapers (Earl et al 2004), particularly with political connotations; such as the development of the political process model (Jenkins and Perrow 1977, McAdam 1983). Newspaper analysis has not only contributed to the development of major theories, but it has illuminated ongoing debates over particular social movement processes (Earl et al 2004).
Semi-structured interviews
Semi-structured interviews were used to canvas in-depth empirical data. Because the SNP is a relatively young political party, and this dissertation focuses on recent history, it was possible to gain significant information from interviews. Semi-structured interviews are a useful way of collecting information as while the researcher attempts to elicit information asking questions connected to the study topic, it is conversational meaning interviewees can explore issues they feel to be significant (Longhurst 2010).
When examining data, analytical coding was used as Strauss (1987) prescribes, this allowed relevant issues to be identified in interview notes and transcripts, and incorporated into the dissertation.
Sampling
Non-probability purposive sampling was used. This meant the researcher chose interviewees that would best help the research and achieve the dissertation aims (Parfitt 2005, Tansey 2007).
This method is influenced by the researcher’s decisions and, therefore, may not be truly representative; however, it ensured interviews with people who were able to contribute significantly to the research (Valentine 2005).
Initial correspondence with Peter Murrell (SNP CEO) and a key party donor meant the researcher could use these contacts as ‘gatekeepers’; individuals that have the power to grant access to people or situations for research purposes (Longhurst 2010). It was thought that a ‘snowballing’ of contacts would be a practical way of gaining access to additional members of the community willing to participate in an interview (Ritchie & Lewis 2003).
3.2 Research implementation
Archival research was completed chronologically between June and September 2013, and since then has been ongoing following subsequent SNP releases. Due to the current nature of the project, and the highly active nature of the SNP given the 2014 referendum, this dissertation ignores publications post January 2014.
Due to the researcher living in Edinburgh, within geographical proximity to resources, research could be conducted over a significant period. Interviews with ‘gatekeepers’ in April 2013 allowed time for the ‘snowballing of contacts’. The majority of interviews were then completed in the summer of 2013; with some completed since. This allowed the researcher to conduct 12 interviews (Table 3.1) with individuals ranging from politicians to academics. Initial questions asked during interviews were descriptive to acculturate the interviewee to being asked questions, as advocated by Longhurst (2010). These developed into more probing questions. While there was no specific script, the researcher used a set framework of specific questions (Appendix 2) from which he would follow up with questions revolving around answers, these varied depending on the interviewee.

3.3 Ethics
‘Researchers must conduct all research within a climate of respect for human rights’ (Bell et al 2005:95). When dealing with people, politics and ethics can become entwined (Renzetti & Lee 1993). Safeguards required meant ensuring participants were fully aware of the investigation, to avoid ‘deliberate deception’ (ESRC 2012). The outline of the dissertation was, therefore, fully explained at the beginning of each interview so as to not to mislead or obtain information without consent. Once data was collected, information was stored carefully and not digressed outside of the study to ensure ‘confidentiality, privacy and data protection’ (ESRC 2012:15).
3.4 Positionality
Geopolitical representations are examples of ‘situated knowledge’ and it is important to recognise ‘difference’ in every interpretation (McDowell 1999:71, Haraway 1988). This research meant speaking to present and former Labour and SNP Members of Scottish parliament (MSP’s), as well as journalists and academics and; therefore, it was important to consider their positionality, and their political standpoints. To counter this analysis seeks to balance data obtained ensuring fair representation (England 1994, Pain et al 2001).
3.5 Research limitations and solutions
Semi-structured interviews
Recording interviews
Initially, the researcher hoped to record interviews to concentrate more fully on discussions; however some participants were unwilling to be recorded. This resulted in transcriptions of 9 of the interviews being based on notes compiled by the researcher.
Location
While the location of the interview can make a difference to the outcome (Valentine 2005), due to interviewee’s schedules it was often difficult to find a ‘mutual’ meeting point. As a result, most interviews took place in interviewee’s offices.
Archival research
Volume
The volume of archives relevant to the research design was vast. It was important to establish early on the kinds of sources that would answer the research questions (Ogborn 2010). The research was therefore ‘problem orientated’, meaning a research question was defined through theoretical reasoning before initial engagement with the archives (Black 2010).
Timings
Archival research was used to inform discussion during the interviews; however, interview timings were subject to interviewee availability, therefore, it was not always possible to have completed archival research prior to interviews, which would have been preferable.

Chapter 4: Historiographical Overview- From Protest to Power
4.1 Introduction
A glance at the SNP’s past highlights a number of different European stances over its relatively short history. This chapter presents the empirical evidence obtained in research, outlining the changes in the SNP’s European stance from formation in 1934 until devolution in 1999.
4.2 The early years
In 1934 the SNP was formed as a merger between the left of centre National Party of Scotland and the right of centre Scottish party in an effort to unify the nationalist movement (Hassan 2009). To be a party, the SNP had to contest elections, create an exclusive membership and cultivate policies. However, in this period, it failed in basic ways; it did not have an exclusive membership until 1948 because some of its leading figures were members of rival organisations, and it lacked policies. Opponents often ridiculed the party, declaring that SNP stood for ‘Still No Policies’, and ‘to be fair, until the late 1960s that was very much the case’ (Lynch 2002:7).
Early manifestoes concentrate on the party’s hopes for freedom and use an emotive discourse. Their 1934 document Our Aim is Freedom, freedom for all men and peoples states ‘we range ourselves with all oppressed humanity against aggression from whatever tyranny is further destroyed’ (SNP 1934b). Hopes for freedom are repeated in party documents; ‘when peace comes see that Scotland gets what Scotsmen have died for- FREEDOM!’ (SNP 1939a).
Manifestoes were brief and lacking in clear policy. The 1934 Constitution, and 1935 Manifesto list only 4; the establishment of a Scottish parliament, the sharing of the responsibility of the British Empire, the sharing of responsibility with England over defence, foreign policy and customs, and to be independent of other political parties. There is no mention of a European standpoint (SNP 1934a, 1935c), as Lynch (1996:25) puts it in the inter-war years ‘the issue of European union was somewhat nebulous’. While the nationalist newspaper, The Scots Independent, occasionally discussed Europe, it was seldom examined regarding implications for self-government. This was related to the strength of the British Empire; Nationalists tended to propose constitutional options taking account of the Empire, suggesting dominion status within the Empire or Home Rule within Britain (Lynch 1996).
4.3 Thinking about Europe
From the mid-1940s, the SNP adopted a positive attitude towards the pan-European movement and the idea the European Community (EC) (Lynch 1996). This can be seen as a political reaction to the results of the World Wars and an attempt to establish an anti-war party which could connect to feelings of hurt in the national community. The world was viewed as potentially dangerous, and international organisations were seen as offering stability (Mitchell 1998). Emphasis was put on a self-governing Scotland in Europe being able to establish closer foreign relations and participate in peace movements. The 1945 manifesto states:
‘The SNP, accepting the principle of international cooperation, looks forward to cooperation with other European nations, and deems it desirable that Scotland should participate as a member of an association of free and equal nations in which the principles of the Atlantic Charter shall be in full effect’ (SNP 1945a).
A criticism of the SNP at the time was that it was removing the British government and replacing it with the European government. But, at the time, European cooperation was commencing and seen as ‘less threatening’than being part of a smaller, but more tightly organised British state’ (Mitchell 1998:111). Furthermore, the SNP argued that Scotland was a European country, given the similarities between Scottish and Roman law.
This position can also be related to the party’s will to differentiate itself from the British government, demonstrating the Westminster government as isolationist, while it was more international (Lynch 1996).
In this sense, therefore, the SNP’s commitment to Europe was based on a ‘pragmatic reconciliation between sovereignty and integration’ (Lynch 1996:29) and this forms a recurring theme in the party’s policy development.
4.4 Support to hostility
The European dimension had little impact and the party faded away in the 1950s with little organisation. However, strong by-election performances in Glasgow Bridgeton in 1961 and West Lothian in 1962 began a period of remarkable growth, with dramatic increases in membership and support.
The 1960s also marked a shift in the party’s European position. The SNP adopted hostility towards the EC, following the argument that independence and supranational integration were incompatible. The SNP argued transferring powers to Brussels was irrational given that it was yet to obtain independence from Westminster, and accession into Europe would only be possible after self-government was realised (Tarditi 2010).
In the 1960s manifestoes reasoned entry into the EC would be foolish without an independent Scottish Government (SNP 1962, 1968). However in the 1970s the issue of European integration became more prominent, as the prospect of British accession into the EC moved to the forefront of the political agenda and the SNP sought to use the European dimension to increase its political support (Lynch 1996):
‘The blind deterioration of the London Parties to enter the Common Market makes this one of the crucial issues of our time. For Scotland, entry to the Community as a province of England is totally unacceptable’ (SNP 1970b).
It became such an important issue that, during the 1971 Annual National Party conference, Europe was the opening issue (Figure 4.2).
In January 1973, to the SNP’s indignation, the UK joined the EC. The SNP described this as a ‘dangerous experiment in gross over centralisation’ (SNP 1974b:12). The EC was opposed for being centralistic, bureaucratic and elitist; while integration meant being represented in negotiations by the British government, a government which the SNP did not respect, or attribute any legitimacy (Tarditi 2010).

However, at this time the SNPs position ‘was not without ambiguity’ (Lynch, 1996:32). In 1974, the party criticises European organisations and opposes UK membership of the EC (SNP 1974d). Meanwhile, it proposes the achievement of a ‘free trade agreement’negotiated between a sovereign Scotland and the Common Market’ (SNP 1974c:7, 1974d), and Scottish membership of the Common Market, so to have a presence in European institutions (SNP 1978). On the one hand, therefore, the SNP was campaigning against EC membership in its entirety. On the other hand, the party was, pragmatically, seeking to gain a better deal for Scotland with a hint that it might support Scottish, but not British EC membership if the circumstances were right (Lynch 1996).
In 1975, an EC referendum represented an opportunity for the SNP to prove the inadequacies of the British governments Scottish policies. The SNP believed the best result for the party would be that the Scots would vote differently to the rest of the UK, proving Scotland’s differences and, therefore, the need for self-government. However, the Scottish electorate articulated its support for continued membership; therefore the result encouraged the SNP into making a more positive evaluation of some aspects of the EC (Tarditi 2010).
4.5 Euro-enthusiasm
In 1988, the SNP adopted the ‘Independence in Europe’ policy. Before this, the SNP was formally committed against the EC; however, the hostility can be seen to have been cooling since electoral performances in the late 70s. The independence in Europe policy position had been advocated implicitly and explicitly by SNP members through the 1970s and the electoral failures gave substance to their arguments, as Mitchell (1998:117) puts it ‘the pragmatist-fundamentalist fault-line within the SNP was opened up’. Gordon Wilson (Interview 2013), leader of the party from 1979 to 1990, revealed ‘following the failure in the 1979 election there was an almighty bust-up in the party’and real change came in 1983’.
Wilson (Interview 2013) took charge with three key aims: ‘change the attitude towards NATO, no longer be hostile to Europe and hope for devolution’. During the party conference in 1983 he proposed a more positive approach towards the EC, and while this was not radical, it began to advance the idea of European membership.
Rather than joining the EC, the SNP proposed collaboration with its European neighbours and to reach an economic agreement with the European Economic Community (EEC). While still supporting withdrawal, the SNP proposed to offer the decision to the Scottish electorate in the form of a referendum should self-government become reality (SNP 1983). In 1984 SNP- Scotland’s Voice in Europe (SNP 1984a) concedes:
‘The Common Market has many critics- but it is here to stay, and it is making more and more of the decisions which affect our lives. We have to live with it- and improve it. It is a body which seeks cooperation rather than conflict amongst European states, unquestionably a desirable aim in itself.’
‘fears that the Common Market would become a superstate have been eased by experience. Far from becoming a new European despotism where bureaucracy triumphed over national rights, the enlarging of the Community in recent years has diluted some of the danger of centralism. The bigger it gets, the looser it becomes.’
These statements are indicative of a party beginning to accept the Common Market and links to the Europeanization discourse, which states that over time minority nationalist parties have shown a growing acceptance of European institutions. The tagline of the 1984 European Parliamentary Elections further reflects this, with the tagline ‘Why go through London operators? Call Europe direct’ (SNP 1984b).
In 1987, the SNP recommended Scotland’s membership of the EC, outlining this gave Scotland an opportunity to contribute to European affairs whilst protecting its interests at a wider level. The party expressed its intention to work within the EC, and to contribute to a ‘Europe of Nations’, which could oppose any movements towards further centralisation (SNP 1987:9).
Following this the ‘Independence in Europe’ policy constituted one of the most important issues to the SNP for a period up until the end of the 1990s. A glance at the contents page for a 1989 manifesto gives an impression of the significance of Europe (Figure 4.3). The 1992 manifesto, titled Independence in Europe make it happen now, describes independence in Europe as ‘the only policy which will bring stability to Scotland’ (SNP 1992:3), and it was argued ‘independence in Europe gives Scots the power to change Scotland for the better’ (SNP 1991:1). All 1990s manifestoes make it clear of the centrality of the EU to the independence strategy (SNP 1991, 1992, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1997a, b, 1999a, b, c, d).
Furthermore, there was a desire for a ‘New Scotland’ to become part of a ‘New Europe’. During the 1980s the EC underwent significant change. The appointment of Jacques Delors as President is widely regarded as the catalyst for this (Ichijo 2004). The elimination of trade barriers allowed increased integration between member states and the realisation of a ‘common market’, which eventually led to the formation of the EU in 1993. The SNP made it clear that fears about the ‘new European despotism’ were almost overcome because the bigger the EC became, ‘the looser it becomes’ (SNP 1984:2). The SNP 1989 European elections manifesto outlines that the party sees the EC as
‘a confederal family of nations working together to improve the quality of life of its constituent peoples. We reject the concept of a centralised United States of Europe but accept that as the Community develops there will be a voluntary pooling of sovereignty by member states on specific issues’ (SNP 1989:2).
As SNP MEP Smith (Interview 2013) says ‘we’ve evolved our view to Europe as Europe has evolved as an entity’.
4.6 A common thread?
In the 1980s, therefore, the SNP adjusted their stance towards Europe due to changing European political opportunities. This was due to increased incentives for minority parties in Europe and evolutions in the organisation of the EC meaning that it became more acceptable as a con-federal entity. However, Tarditi (2010) argues that domestic political opportunities were more important in influencing SNP changes during this time, and research conducted for this dissertation agrees. Furthermore, this dissertation argues that the pragmatism that can be associated with this shift can be seen in other policy shifts.
Prior to the 1980s, the SNP acted in an unfavourable internal political circumstance. Until 1982 the SNP’s own existence was challenged by internal divisions and organisational weaknesses (Levy 1990, Lynch 1996, 2002, Tarditi 2010). Poor electoral performances and the risk of losing political relevance led to a ‘process of modernization’ (Brand 1990:24). The closed nature of the domestic political opportunity structures led the party to change strategy. The SNP acted as a vote-seeking party, changing its approach in an effort to maximise electoral performance, which was instrumental to the attainment of its main goal of Scottish self-government. As Wilson (Interview 2013), former leader of the SNP, revealed ‘Europe was intended as a bridge towards independence’.
This worked because previously the party was accused of being separatist and negative in wanting to isolate Scotland from the world; opposing the UK government, NATO and the EC without any other propositional projects, except self-government. Supporting the EC offered the means to change this image. Becoming pro-European, the SNP could deconstruct its negative appearance. Support for European integration was, therefore, a tactical way to become more credible. The EC was considered as a means to respond to separatist accusations from the party’s opponents, as Jim Sillars (Interview 2013), former deputy leader of the party, said ‘the SNPs 1980s European policy was driven by the fact it got us off the separatist hook’.
This strategy has been defined by Jolly (2007:114) as the ‘viability logic’ and it seems that the SNP has always followed this rationality. In the 1940s the SNP understood the dangers of isolation and pursued maintenance of links with the rest of the UK. In the 1960s change was related to the belief that shared sovereignty did not fit with an independence vision. Since the 1980s, the role of the rest of the British Isles was taken by Europe and resultantly only the strategy of ‘Independence in Europe’ lent credibility (Lindsay 1991).
4.7 Conclusion
The research, therefore, confirms how domestic political contexts held primary importance in the SNP’s European strategy. Limited domestic political opportunity structures have led the party to change European stances to become more electorally useful.
Tarditi’s (2010) argument, that the process of European integration is strategically orientated and is more related to domestic political opportunities than actual European structures seems to be relevant not only to the shift in the late 80s. Reasons for the fundamental change in policy can be seen as running through shifts throughout the party’s history. These are the willingness of the party to act flexibly with pragmatism and expediency when it is electorally beneficial to do so and the way in which this is possible due to the broad spectrum of members. Furthermore, there is a recurring theme within the party politics regarding Europe on the importance on differencing the stance from the UK government.
The domestic political context in which the national movement has found itself has been pre-eminent in determining its strategy towards Europe. Europe has offered different images over time, and these have provided reasoning for SNP policy changes (Mitchell 1996).
Chapter 5: Euro-tepidity after Devolution?
5.1 Introduction
Labours victory at the 1997 general election resulted in the onset of devolution through the passage of Scotland Act 1998, which led to the establishment of the Scottish Parliament in 1999. This chapter offers a historiographical overview of the SNP’s European policies since devolution, and considers whether this period can be defined as ‘euro-tepid’ (Tarditi 2010).
5.2 Scarce attention

Following devolution, several changes are visible in SNP manifestoes. Firstly, the SNP tends to give scarce prominence to Europe in publications. This is a substantial change from a decade before, which saw policies revolve around the subject of ‘Independence in Europe’. As Giugliano (Interview 2014), SNP MSP, puts it ‘for those few years that was the strapline, the slogan of the party, and obviously that’s now been dropped’. In the early 2000s Europe became relegated to the back of pamphlets or incorporated in wider sections of foreign affairs such as ‘Outward looking nation’ (SNP 2001, 2002, 2003).
Another visible change was that manifestoes tended to highlight European policies the SNP didn’t share. The party maintained support for participation in Europe, but expressed its refusal of a ‘European super-state’, and demanded stronger national involvement in certain fields, such as taxation. Furthermore, whilst admitting advantages to the single currency, the SNP says these can ‘only be achieved when the economic conditions are correct, when an acceptable exchange rate is delivered and when public consent has been given in a referendum’ (SNP 2001). The 2003 manifesto suggests making Scotland an ‘independent nation in the mainstream of modern Europe’ (SNP 2003) but there are no other references to Europe. In 2005 this changing stance was further evidenced by the SNP’s opposition to the single currency and the European Constitution, and the proposal to arrange a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty.
‘In today’s independent world, what it means to be independent has changed. It is about taking decisions for ourselves and being accountable for them. It’s about having the tools to build a better country by taking responsibility and deciding how we want to use our sovereignty- when to pool it and when to retain it.’ (SNP 2005a)
After devolution, the SNP’s political choices can be explained ‘in relation to the Scottish context’ (Tarditi 2010:35). The establishment of the Scottish Government meant that new opportunities emerged in Scotland; ‘the Scottish Parliament has constituted and continues to be a new space where the party can pursue its political aim, getting visibility and political relevance’ (Tarditi 2010:35). In this period, political opportunities in the UK and the EU can be defined as static, because of low levels of political representation and limited opportunities. Instead the Scottish electorate have become increasingly important within the new political arena.
Since devolution, the Scottish Parliament has been perceived as the main institution from which to gain concrete policy outcomes for Scottish citizens. It has become the main area where the SNP could reach votes, and therefore influence policy (McCrone 2002). Resultantly after the Scottish Parliament’s creation, the SNP focused its resources on competition in the Scottish context. This meant the forming of new priorities. Subsequently the European issue became peripheral. This effect related to the new necessity to give priority to local issues which would be visible in the lives of Scottish citizens.
Following this, the existence of the new Scottish political arena, created by the establishment of the Scottish Parliament, made it increasingly important for the party to connect to the interests of the Scottish electorate. This explains the changing party strategy.
5.3 Scottish governance
Having won the most seats in the Scottish Parliament for the first time in 2007 the SNP formed a minority government. Following this, there is a dramatic shift in its attention to Europe in party policy. While the 2007 document scarcely mentions Europe, (SNP 2007a, b), the 2009 document opens with a double page spread entitled A New Partnership which seeks ‘Scotland’s rightful place in Europe’ (Figure 5.1).
In 2009 the SNP recognised ‘the importance of the EU to Scotland’, but affirmed that ‘given the EU’s role in many areas of government, Scotland needs adequate representation within the EU to negotiate directly for its own interests’ (SNP 2009b:107). In particular, the SNP uses the need to protect Scottish interests in fields that are regulated by the EU as a reason for independence.
During this period the SNP also formally adopted a positive stance towards the European single currency, with the policy that an independent Scotland would hold a referendum on Euro membership (Johnson 2009).
Significantly, therefore, following the 2007 elections the SNP could no longer pay scarce attention to Europe. The SNP’s priority to win independence could only be enabled by demonstrating to the electorate that the SNP was the only party that could defend and represent Scotland’s economic and political interests in all institutional arenas (Tarditi 2010). Therefore, the SNP underlined how independence could give Scotland the ability to further its domestic powers through European relations.

5.4 Referendum reality
In 2011 the SNP won a landslide electoral victory, forming a majority government in the Scottish parliament. This led to the Edinburgh Agreement in 2012 and the confirmation of an independence referendum, to take place in September 2014. The period since then can be characterised by the SNP’s objective to win a ‘yes’ vote, and resultantly its willingness to make policy sacrifices to achieve the ‘greater good’ of increased electoral support for independence (Interview Cochrane 2013).
The SNP maintains its pro-European stance during this period and confirms that following independence it would not wish to join the Euro following the Euro-crisis;
‘Scotland would remain part of the EU. EU law doesn’t allow for Scotland to be unilaterally kicked out on independence. And, EU law also makes clear that Scotland can’t be forced to join the euro. We will continue with the pound, just as we do today’ (SNP 2012).
The Eurozone crisis heralded a U-turn in currency policy for the SNP, as support for joining the Euro dwindled (Economist 2012), as Smith (Interview 2013) puts it ‘membership of the Euro is just not at the races presently because the public would never go for it’.
A significant change in the SNP policy in this period was the stance towards NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) which reversed in 2012. NATO is an intergovernmental military alliance, which the SNP has, historically, always been against, because it constitutes a system of collective defence using nuclear weaponry. As a social democratic organisation, the SNP is opposed to the use of nuclear weapons. However, in 2012 this changed following the reasoning that only three of members of the 28 in NATO currently possess nuclear weapons, and the ‘idea that the SNP did not have a viable international position on NATO’ it was all about credibility’ (Interview Giugliano 2013). This illustrated the party’s willingness to boost electoral success at all costs, and resulted in several SNP departures, and criticism by some who argued the move to be ‘morally defenceless’ (Ross 2012, Miers 2012).
In the 2013 White Paper, a document Salmond outlines as ‘the most comprehensive blueprint for an independent country ever published’ (cited in Black 2013) the pro-European stance is reiterated:
‘We will work in partnership with the rest of the UK inside the European Union. But we will be able to represent Scotland at the top tables of Europe as a constructive member state and stand up for vital Scottish interests’ (SNP 2013:18)
It states the importance for small nations to have a place in Europe. However the manifesto also states:
‘The debate over Scotland’s relationship with the EU is, however, one that will almost certainly feature in future Scottish election campaigns, with some arguing for a looser form of partnership’ (SNP 2013:184)
Therefore the party also sits on the fence, pragmatically making the point that in an independent Scotland, all eventualities are theoretically possible; as McEwen (Interview 2014) stated:
‘the White Paper is all about the referendum’ it’s constructed in such a way to make the strongest possible case for the referendum’ it’s not really about the future’ but the possibilities with independence’ I wouldn’t look to the White Paper for long term statistics’.
5.5 Conclusion
Since the party became pro-European in the late 1980s it has articulated and supported this position, however, ‘since the beginning of the 2000s the SNPs stance towards the EU cannot be defined as identical to that to the previous decade’ (Tarditi 2010:32). Tarditi (2010:32) argues that ‘currently the party shows a more critical position’ to the EU. However, research shows that the issue of the SNP in Europe is far more complicated than a linear shift. While the SNP has voiced criticism over certain aspects of European integration, most recently visible with the Euro currency U-turn, there are other aspects were the party has shown increased Euroenthusiasm. As an SNP MEP (Interview 2013) argues ‘the party remains absolutely 100% committed to an independent voice at the heart of Europe’.
While there has been a consistency in its overall stance, the SNP has been willing to adapt particular positions at particular times to best suit its political needs. This period for the SNP further highlights the pragmatic nature of the party and its leaders, and the ability to manoeuvre policy for electoral gains. In the run-up to the 2014 referendum any serious changes in policy are unlikely as the SNP attempts to project an image of stability. However should the referendum be unsuccessful it would be unsurprising to see future policy shifts.

Chapter 6: Discussion
6.1 Euro-tepidity post devolution?
This dissertation agrees with Tarditi (2010) that, in the past 15 years, the SNP policy towards Europe has changed from that in previous decades. However, simply articulating the stance as ‘Euro-tepid’ is reductionist and ignores some of the complexities inherent within policy making in this time. Some features of Europe are viewed critically by the SNP, for example, the European single currency, as Smith (Interview 2013) says ‘We have gone from being pro-Euro to being considerably cooler on it’. However other aspects of foreign policy, such as NATO, show increased enthusiasm for further integration.
At times the European thematic has been marginalised, so to maintain the formal pro-European stance while avoiding internal division. This has been important because of the sensitivity of the party to Europe. The composition of the SNP means that it includes members who believe in centre right values as well as members ideologically orientated to the left, and it has been defined as a ‘broad church’ (Interview Tulloch 2013, Interview Labour MSP, Tarditi 2010). This hearkens to the formation of the party in 1934 as a merger between different organisations. This means that the party is still formed by members with different ideas about ways to achieve independence, the meaning of independence, and consequently with different attitudes towards the EU. As a Labour MSP (Interview 2013) revealed, ‘the SNP is basically a coalition’.
The idea of the EU as a debated thematic becomes clearly visible in times of electoral failure, when the SNP has to make public decisions, such as is the case with the European Constitution. This is also shown in the 1970s by the ‘ambiguous’ stance. The SNP’s opposition to the draft Constitution in 2005 relates to a fear about the possible advance of integration towards a supra-national entity and in opposition to complete European regulation of the fisheries policy. Furthermore, the party in those years had to face some difficulties. After the UK’s devolution, the SNP became the second party in Scotland to Labour, and in the 2003 electoral support decreased slightly (28.74% to 23.8%, Parliament UK 2014). Furthermore, in 2004, John Swinney, the party’s leader was replaced by former leader Alex Salmond, representing a time of uncertainty in the party and internal debate, particularly because of unexpected electoral decline after the leadership change. These factors partially explain the lack of attention given to Europe in this period. Some European policies increased internal divisions and were perceived as hardly positive in winning electoral support. The lack of total party consensus and the fear of losing electoral support led the party to give little prominence to the European issue and to avoid, when it was possible, formal positions relating to particular European policies.
While the SNP’s use of the European issue fluctuates, it may be over simplifying the situation to say the EU policy has been tepid since devolution. The pragmatic nature of the SNP allows it to act with flexibility. As McEwen (Interview 2014) stated ‘they are not in any way eurosceptics, they are just a little bit more pragmatic than they were before’. Interviews with current and former SNP MSP’s; Toni Giugliano, Jim Sillars, Christina McKelvie and Gordon Wilson, indicated strong beliefs that the SNP European stance has not changed significantly since the 1980s. Sillars, former deputy leader of the party, and ‘inventor’ of the formula of independence in Europe (Nagel 2004), argues that, in recent years, the SNP have become ‘intellectually stagnant’ with regard to their stance towards Europe. He argues that the SNP has not reacted to changes in Europe, such as the Lisbon Treaty, when it should have, saying ‘recent euroscepticism is rubbish’, that the euro-turn has been due to currency issues and other than that the only part of Europe it is against is the Common Fisheries Policy which it has always been against.
Similarly Giugliano (Interview 2013) argues since devolution
‘the pro-European stance of the SNP hasn’t changed ‘We have been, I would argue, the most pro-European mainstream political party in the UK and that is incidentally why I joined the SNP’ The SNP was really the only party that stuck to that line, and that didn’t change that line’.
Following this, while there have been changes in the attention given to Europe by the party, due to intra-party politics, the actual pro-European stance has not changed meaningfully in the last 15 years, and the argument that the SNP has become euro-tepid in recent years is questionable.
6.2 Europeanisation?
Previous work on the SNP’s European Policy concludes that domestic opportunity structures dictate decision making, as primarily the SNP seeks electoral success and will change its policy when domestic opinion dictates. This dissertation agrees, and Chapters 4 and 5 evidence the susceptibility of decision making to domestic politics. However the SNP’s movements in recent years also fit within wider discourses referred to in Chapter 3, which state that over time minority nationalist parties have become increasingly orientated towards Europe.
It seems likely that broader processes of Europeanization, globalisation and multilateralism have influenced domestic geographical imaginations on European integration at some level and have contributed to the SNP’s changing European vision. Furthermore, the changing entity of Europe has created an environment where it has been possible for the SNP to modify its European stance in trying to appeal to the electorate. This is evidenced in the shift in the late 1980s, where the SNP used the argument that the EC has become increasingly decentralised to change their stance.
However, this dissertation shows that changes are often predominantly influenced by domestic events, and, therefore, argues that ‘totalising spatial metaphors that implicitly inform theorisations’do not take sufficient account of a range of ‘practices and spaces’ (Crewe 2003:354). Rather than relying on discourses of Europeanization, multilateralism and nationalism, etc. for explanations, scholars should look into individual case studies, as while, over time, there may be assimilations between the activities of minority nationalist parties, they operate in different political spheres. SNP European policy has been primarily dictated by changing domestic political opportunity, and this has been linked with European activity, however, each nation is different, and shifts are inherently complicated. This dissertation proposes rather than confining party movements to singular explanations, instead to understand them similarly to De Landa’s (2006); assemblage theory in his work on social ontologies. This argues that something is only a whole through its relations of exteriority. In geography entanglement theory reflects this best. This understands that political activities are interlaced complexly through different spheres, and although they are impossible to visualise these they would ‘flicker across the landscape, interconnecting bodies, firms, markets, neighbourhoods, cities, regions and countries in ways that reflect, reproduce and transform’ (Sheppard 2011:4).
6.3 The Scottish National Party as a ‘pragmatic party’
‘We have a pragmatism that other parties lack’and that serves us well. There are a number of things’that have evolved as we cooperate with what the people of Scotland want.’ (Interview Smith 2013)
Since its inception, the SNP has supported varying degrees of European integration. It has regularly revised its policies and this fluidity has been important in enabling the SNP to exploit opportunities and attempt to endear itself to a Scottish electorate that, to date, has been unfavourable to UK separation (McCrone 2009).
While the SNP has adopted different political stances over time towards Europe, there is a common thread which can be seen throughout decision making of political pragmatism and expediency. While it must be acknowledged that all political parties are forced to act with pragmatism from time to time, as a principal goal is to be successful electorally (Hepburn 2008). The SNP’s nature allows it to do so to a greater extent, being ‘entirely opportunistic’ and one of the most reactive parties to political opportunities (Interview Cochrane 2013).
The key reason which enables the SNP to be pragmatic is its very nature. The fact that the SNP is an independence party, and not classically ideologically defined means it attracts people from different political backgrounds, and represents a ‘broad church’. This means that, at any time, the party will have far right, and far left wing members, resulting in the constant presence of different camps on issues such as European integration. When policies are failing, or there are periods of electoral failure, it is not long before some within the party start questioning policy, which can lead to a shift (Webb 1978).
‘The main cleavage inside the SNP has been that between fundamentalists and pragmatists’ (Mitchell 1998:108). Since the party’s formation this has been a tension, and can be seen to arise particularly when there is a need for electoral success. Pragmatists are willing to make ideological compromises and change approach, so long as it is beneficial electorally. In periods of electoral decline the pragmatists within the party gain increased voice, and resultantly are able to manipulate the party to act with expediency and change political philosophies, so long as they are thought to contribute to the ultimate goal of independence. This can be seen in the NATO U-turn, in 2012.
While today the party locates itself as socially democratic left of centre, it still contains people from different political backgrounds. Furthermore, this was itself a pragmatic decision. Originally being the ‘national’ party of Scotland meant being a catch-all party which could appeal to all, this meant policies fluctuating around public interest. However during an unsuccessful spell in government in the 1970s the deficiencies in this system were exposed when the focus shifted to traditional right-left politics. This led to Gordon Wilson rebranding the party as ‘moderate left of centre’ in 1979, a strategic position between Labour and the Scottish Conservatives (Hassan 2009).
Over time then the SNP’s European stance can be seen as a rational exploitation of political opportunity. It is possible to link European policy change with significant periods of electoral failure, and efforts to build political momentum. It is no surprise then that, since the 1980s, the European stance has not shifted as the SNP has been generally successful. Following this it would be unsurprising to see a shift should the 2014 referendum be unsuccessful. Figure 6.1 highlights this trend. The graph plots periods of positive and negative European visions against the percentage of the SNP Scottish vote in general elections from 1935 to 2010, using values of +1 to represent a positive stance, and -1 to demonstrate a negative stance. It shows that key shifts occur after periods of electoral demise, i.e. in the early-60s and the mid-80s. While there are obvious limitations to this graphic, as it only uses party stance at times of general elections, it illustrates the tendency of the party to look to change policy after periods of electoral failure.
6.4 What is Europe to the SNP?
‘SH: And looking back to that considerable shift in the late 80s what would you say were the main reasons for this at the time?
AS: That the previous policy was stupid.
SH: Okay, anything else?
AS: And there was just the realisation that this opportunity exists.’ (Interview Smith 2013)
Scholars have in the past questioned how political parties imagine Europe; ‘Europe as an entity is not a stable, sovereign autonomous object, but exists only in historical relations and fields of power’ (Foucault 1980, Geyer 1993 cited in Borneman and Fowler 1997:489). Ichijo (2004:59) concedes ‘whether Europe is a real entity is beyond the scope of this book’, but argues that Europe in the past has meant three things to Scotland; a space where a more just Scotland is possible, which offers the means to achieve independence, and as a means of distinguishing the Scots from the English. Throughout research these themes have been shown, and reiterate the fact that the SNP may not see Europe as a real and tangible entity, rather a series of images and imaginaries which are can be manipulated to best serve the electoral interests of the party.
The choice of the SNP to change its European stance has been motivated by attempts to modify its position in the party system. European policy is used as a means to appear credible to the Scottish electorate; ‘Changing its European vision, the SNP could assume the image of a positive, mainstream party, without altering its nationalist purpose’ (Tarditi 2010:20).
Above all what made changes possible were different interpretations of Europe; Flood (2002 cited in Szczerbiak and Taggart 2008:257) underlines the ‘European project’ as a concept that can be interpreted pluralistically. The ideological context in which the national movement has found itself has been pre-eminent in determining its opportunities and influencing strategy.
Agnew (2002) defines political geography as the way in which politics influences geography. This dissertation shows how the SNP has used the physical space of Europe to constitute a set of opportunity structures enabling electoral progress, as Wilson (Interview 2013) puts it Europe is ‘a bridge towards independence’. The SNP has used the evolving idea of Europe to pick and mix images to suit the ideals of Scotland at different times.
Chapter 7: Conclusion
7.1 Analysis of aims and summary of research
1) Contribute to the literature on minority nationalist parties changing European attitudes, by examining the SNP.
Through looking at both primary and secondary data, this dissertation concludes that the SNP’s European policy is dictated primarily by domestic political opportunities and is flexible over time in order to achieve electoral success, as argued by Tarditi (2010). Furthermore, it notes the importance of processes occurring at European levels in providing environments enabling formal change. This dissertation argues, while broader discourses can be useful in broader theorisations, scholars should look into in depth studies to understand specific reasoning for change in minority nationalist parties European attitudes over time
2) Consider whether past shifts can produce theorisations that hold relevance for SNP policy today.
A firm conclusion can be obtained from research that while events and exact causes have differed over time, the SNP’s changing European stance has been driven by a high degree of political pragmatism and expediency. Changes are resultant of poor electoral progress, and a will to differentiate itself from the UK government.
3) Evaluate the claim that, since devolution, the SNP has adopted a Euro-tepid stance.
While it is possible to evidence varying support for certain aspects of EU integration since devolution, the SNP has been consistently pro-Europe since adopting the stance in the late 1980s, and in the past 15 years has been one of the post pro-European political parties in the UK. Therefore this dissertation proposes, instead of tepidity, three phases since 1999, illustrating the complexity of European relations, and the danger in committing them to a simple linear shift.
4) Conceptualise the role of Europe to the SNP.
This dissertation argues that Europe is viewed differently over time depending on the electoral opportunities it is seen to offer, and proposes that the SNP does not necessarily see Europe as a real, physical entity, rather a set of opportunity structures which can help on the road to independence to provide political momentum.
7.2 Limitations of research
The nature of the undergraduate dissertation meant research took place in a limited period, and was restricted to 10,000 words which confined the depth of research possible. While the researcher completed significant archival research and 12 interviews, over a greater time period the data collected could be larger and, therefore, more representative.
Another possible limitation was that the subject, being ongoing, could have benefited from being completed in a couple of years, so as to include current SNP activity, and the aftermath to the 2014 referendum results. Furthermore, the scope of the study, in examining the entire geopolitical history of the party, may have been overly ambitious and could have been better suited to an assignment with a greater word allowance.
7.3 Further research
There is significant scope for future research following this dissertation. It would be useful to compare the changing European stances of other minority nationalist parties temporally with the SNP, in the context of the Europeanization discourse. This would help formulate the role particular processes play in geopolitical visions of nationalist parties, and the effect of domestic versus European political opportunities.
This dissertation uses qualitative research. Conducting a similar study using quantitative methods has potential to be rewarding. Regression analysis holds the potential to examine the relationships between the variables, such as European stance and electoral performance, which would prove intensely interesting and could contribute to the authority of this study.
Given the restrictions of this dissertation, outlined above, it has not considered the possible implications of some of its conclusions. It would be fascinating to explore whether other aspects of party policy follow this model of political pragmatism. Also, subsequent work could consider whether the SNP’s nature as a ‘broad church’ with only the goal of independence tying members together could be problematic following independence, in that the party’s purpose no longer exists. Furthermore, this dissertation has highlighted how the SNP likes to emphasise that an independent Scotland would hold close ties with European institutions, however future research could look into the feasibility of these claims.

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