Essay: Green Street (2005 – film)

Green Street (2005) has been described by film critic Joe Leydon (2005) as ‘an intense, unblinkingly violent drama about rabid soccer fans viciously clashing in the streets of London.’ Directed by Lexi Alexander, a woman who at one time was the only female member of the Mannheim City Boys Firm in Germany (Buckley, 2005), the film follows the journey of American, Matt Buckner (Elijah Wood) as he is drawn into the world of British football hooliganism after being unexpectedly expelled from his journalism course at Harvard University. Through Matt’s interaction with the Green Street Elite (GSE), the fictional firm of London football club West Ham United, we are given an insight into the relatively unknown world of football hooliganism. The sociological significance of hooligan films such as Green Street has been referred to in research carried out by Garry Crawford (2004: 135) who claimed that, ‘Football hooliganism provides the pinnacle of this voyeuristic journey into the (under)world of alcohol, danger, violence and overt masculinity for the consuming public to enjoy in the comfort (and safety) of their own homes’. During this essay some of the themes that have been identified by Crawford will be discussed in relation to Green Street, and how they are incorporated into the film itself. The themes that are prominent in the film and will be analysed further include violence and aggression, masculinity and identity.
A primary narrative in Green Street is that of identity, which is largely embodied by the character of Matt Buckner, and the change that we see in not only the way he dresses and carries himself over the course of the film, but also his personality. From the outset we are presented with a na??ve, well-dressed American student, and by the conclusion of the film it is clear that he has been affected by the experiences he has had with the GSE. Matt’s character seems challenge the view of Nicola Rehling (2011: 167) who believes that, ‘Hooligan films’ characters and their leisure activities and spaces (mainly pubs and terraces), family backgrounds, cultural capital, and regional accents are all coded as working class, regardless of their professions, incomes, or financial status.’ The common consensus from the public is that firms are filled with white, British males who dress in ‘casual’ clothing and drink to excess. However, it is difficult to predict whether the character of Matt Buckner is used by Alexander to reject this stereotypical view, or to show the insatiable pull that hooliganism has on people who need an escape from social issues, a theory outlined by Figurational theorists (Elias & Dunning, 1986).
In their book, The Roots of Football Hooliganism, Dunning, Murphy and Williams (1988) make connections between unemployment and the social standing of the people who turn to football hooliganism as a pastime. However, most of the GSE have respectable jobs and are not what we would essentially regard as the average working-class male. Buckner himself is stunned when he finds out that leader of the firm, Pete Dunham (Charlie Hunnam) is a school teacher, and the film shows one man rushing from his job as an airline pilot to meet up ahead of a violent clash with a rival firm. This seems to challenge Ian Taylor (1987, cited in Rehling, 2011), who believes that firms are a form of working-class ‘resistance’, facilitating a backlash against the dynamic backdrop of British politics and the impact that it has had on what is regarded as the ‘working man’s’ game.
An important aspect of the film is West Ham’s traditional anthem ‘Bubbles’ and its use throughout. Chants used by both the average match-going fan and firms like the fictional GSE are said to establish unity among a group of fans and confirm their identity (Pearson, 2012). The clever use of the chant ‘Bubbles’ in Green Street serves as a marker of Matt Buckner’s assimilation into the firm. During his first match experience he is reluctant, if not slightly nervous about getting involved in the chanting, but by the end of the film he is walking alone down the middle of a London street singing proudly. Not only does this signal the end of the film, but it also marks Buckner’s final acceptance into the GSE.
Another key theme in Green Street is that of hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 1987) which highlights the world of football hooliganism as a testosterone filled and ego-boosting environment for male participants. What may be seen as a form of negative deviance from onlookers, is seen as the ultimate in positive deviance from the men who revel in violence. Throughout the film Matt is on a constant quest to prove himself to fellow GSE member Bovver (Leo Gregory), who bombards him with torrents of abuse which are usually of a homophobic or xenophobic nature, in an attempt to belittle him. Research carried out by Katherine Jones (2008: 519) into fan culture states that football is a place where ‘politeness norms are often suspended.’ Homophobic insults are commonplace in the film alongside sexist and xenophobic parlance, and femininity is often used as a form of put-down, but the members of the GSE simply pass this off as ‘banter’. The character of Shannon Dunham (Claire Forlani), who is the sister of Matt Buckner, and wife of former GSE leader Steve Dunham (Marc Warren) serves as a contrast to the world that has embroiled the rest of her family, and gives an insight into the role that women play in such an environment. She is seen as nothing more than a bystander throughout the entire film and nobody takes on board her advice or addresses the worries that she expresses. This once again emphasises the expression of dominant masculinity that is formed by the world of football hooliganism.
A fundamental part of the match-day routine for the GSE is drinking, both before and after the game. Dunning et al. (1988) see heavy drinking as a central facet of masculinity, and this would appear to be the case in Green Street, as the parts of the film that do not revolve around fight scenes are based in pubs. However, Dunning et al. (1988: 13) challenge their own point by accepting that, ‘not every fan who drinks, even heavily, takes part in hooligan acts. Nor does every hooligan drink.’ Alexander must see drinking culture as a crucial aspect of the social view of football hooliganism as it contributes to a large proportion of the film, and also adds to the portrayal of hegemonic masculinity within it. Away from the film itself, masculinity is scrupulously tied to the world of hooliganism and can be seen in the action that has been taken by football federations in an attempt to crack down on football related violence. The Turkish Football Association’s solution was to ban males from their stadiums, and well-supported clubs like Fenerbahce have on occasions only admitted women and children into games (Taylor, 2011). It is clear that members of firms like the GSE see hooliganism as a ‘masculine proving ground’ and this is also evident on terraces around the world.
Possibly the most potent theme in Green Street is that of violence and aggression, which is heavily linked to the continuous representation of hegemonic masculinity in the film. Dougie Brimson (2007), who was the screenwriter for Green Street and has also produced other material which focuses on the issue of football hooliganism claims, ‘Hooliganism is the original dangerous sport, and the buzz from it never diminishes because you never know what is going to happen next’ (cited in Poulton, 2008). The extent of this so-called ‘buzz’ is highlighted by one of Matt Buckner’s lines in the film, when he says, ‘Once you have taken a few punches and realize you’re not made of glass, you don’t feel alive unless you are pushing yourself as far as you can go’ (Green Street, 2005). It is this type of behaviour that Elias and Dunning (1986) believe is part of the ‘quest for excitement’, a pursuit of freedom on the back of growing restrictions within the world of sport, and ultimately, life. In the case of Green Street, Matt Buckner throws himself into the deep end of football hooliganism in order to put the trouble he has had in America behind him. Dunning et al. (1988) have said that sport has always been used as an excuse for fighting, and violence during games can also be the cause of tension in the stands. However, the civilising process, outlined by Elias (2000), has seen regulation of the violence that takes place on the field of play, and laws introduced in the 1990s and early 2000s have meant football hooliganism has been forced out of stadiums (Giulianotti, 1999).
In conclusion, it is clear that an understanding of football hooliganism requires critical reflection on a number of themes, and Green Street makes a concerted attempt to address some of these. The sociological issues of violence and aggression, identity and masculinity are all highlighted within the film, and the sociological research that has been conducted around football hooliganism points towards other factors having an impact on what are thought of as the prominent issues. It is evident that the face of football hooliganism has morphed to suit the dynamic background of British politics, and this changing environment is seen in Green Street. Films such as Green Street have been criticised for highly dramatizing the world of football hooliganism (Brewin, 2015), but Lexi Alexander’s past is an important factor to take into consideration when assessing the sociological aspects. In an article about the director’s statement which accompanies the film it states that, ‘First, she hopes it might make people better parents. Second, she hopes the film will warn against the dangers of addiction. ‘And third, why I made this movie: [her use of capitals] YOU NEVER RUN, YOU NEVER LEAVE YOUR FRIENDS BEHIND!” (Buckley, 2005). It is clear that Alexander didn’t just make the film to tap into the expanding market of hooligan films, or make some quick cash off the back of people’s thirst for violence. The film has embedded messages, which through deeper analysis can be seen and utilised by sociologists in the research they carry out into the world of hooliganism.