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Essay: NGOs – Roles in Development of Palestine

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Spring 2017

NGOs- roles in development of Palestine

Introduction

          Every country seeks the best state in economic, social issues, strength its ability to solving accidents and problems efficiently, the enhancement of the democratic and political participation, increasing awareness and the Capabilities of citizens. And so many other issues to create a healthy state and be a mirror of development. Some countries really worked and keep going to create it and have the base for this environment, but it's regrettable that other countries have a monopolistic power we call governments, only working on increasing its power, resources and a subordinate people for its arrogant dominance, it calls for democracy, participation and awareness of citizens…. etc. but working oppositely, a Third sector appears to work with governments toward development and a healthy state, or to work against it's unfair laws. also, known as NGOS. The name differs from one country to the other. also, culture and language play a role in the concept of these organizations.

         NGOS and development are two concepts linked with each other strongly, in most of the NGOS organizations, the primary purpose is to achieve development locally or internationally, their agendas may be different in application but it’s the same in programs, huge programs and projects planned by NGOS organizations for development, most of the top Financed Projects are seeking for development. experts, proposals, huge budgets, trainings, international collaborative, grants. NGOS organizations seem like they give a great effort and works in this side but after all that works is the development sector its really achieved or it stays a concept on a Financing panel?

One of the important point in development is collaborative. All sector must work together for development, this implies that community empowerment means that all people should work together, including within the private sector, in order to raise the standard of life. It involves more people participating in the decision-making processes within their communities, and more people taking responsibility for tackling local problems, rather than expecting others to do so.

In this paper, we will discuss the role of NGOs in development progress in Palestine. The contents: NGOS concepts and theories, feature of Palestinian NGOs, moreover development theories will be mention, and what are the links between NGOS and development and the role of NGOS in development. Then study more deeply about NGOS organizations in Palestine and see their features and how they are working for achieving the development, and if they corporate with Palestinian government? And discuss if NGOs creating from Palestine a developing country.

Civil Society and NGOS    

      In every part of human life, society represent it, a base of huge number organizations and institutions formed to organize all effort to raise up their society. Back to the history about the ideas and purposes of civil society creation, many of early European political thinkers saw civil society as a synonym for a type of political association whose members are subject to laws which ensure peaceful order and good government (Keane 1989), some books mentioned that the origins of the concept of civil society back to the communal life in the polis, the Greek city-state. Socrates proposed that “dialectic,” a form of public argument to uncover truth, was imperative to ensure “civility” in the polis and “good life” of the people (O’Brien 1999). This rational dialogue was to test the individual’s arguments against societal arguments to find the proper balance between the needs of the two (Setianto2007).

After that so many studies targeted the civil society and definite it. Michael Bratton describes civil society as social interaction between the household and the state characterized by community cooperation, structures of voluntary association, and networks of public communication (Bratton, 1994). The term civil society is generally used to classify persons, institutions, and organizations that have the goal of advancing or expressing a common purpose through ideas, actions, and demands on governments (Cohen and Arato, 1992).

        other study mentioned that nongovernmental organization as it known NGOs, back to 1950, when the United Nations (UN) coined the expression. Presumably the UN, which primarily dealt with governments and wanted to consult private, nonprofit organizations that were independent of governments, found it convenient to refer to them simply as nongovernmental organizations to distinguish them from governments. Today the UN describes an NGO as: any non-profit, voluntary citizens’ group which is organized on a local, national or international level. Task-oriented and driven by people with a common interest, NGOs perform a variety of services and humanitarian functions, bring citizens’ concerns to Governments, monitor policies and encourage political participation at the community level. They provide analysis and expertise, serve as early warning mechanisms and help monitor and implement international agreements. Some are organized around specific issues, such as human rights, the environment or health.

Also, “community based voluntary organizations that help themselves and serve others at local level, national and international levels’ (ODA, 1990:81). Moore (1993) defines them as vehicles for ‘democratization’ and essential components of a thriving ‘civil society’, which in turn are essential to the success of the agenda’s economic dimensions.”  Still Frantz (1987:122) describes them, as “formal organizations…that emerged when a group of people organize themselves into a social unit that was established with the explicit objective of achieving certain ends and formulating rules to govern the relations among the members of the organization and the duties of each other. With this backdrop, I like to propose that NGOs are any organizations, license or unlicensed, registered, or recognized as not-for-profit and non-governmental, that are made up of two or more persons in which the organizations primarily depend on volunteerism to achieve their mandate. Their mandate can be within a local framework, or it can be national or on the international level.

          Still Frantz (1987:122) describes them, as “formal organizations…that emerged when a group of people organize themselves into a social unit that was established with the explicit objective of achieving certain ends and formulating rules to govern the relations among the members of the organization and the duties of each other. Korten (1991) argues that NGO has predated governments because they are the earliest form of human organizations. Banks (2012) says, “It was perceived failures of state-led development approaches throughout the 1970s and 1980s that fueled interest in NGOs as a development alternative, offering innovative and people-centered approaches to service delivery, advocacy and empowerment.” Lewis and Kanji (2009) say that NGOs emerged from long-term traditions of philanthropy and self-help.

       In social purpose, Tegan et al defined the NGOs as: private, not-for-profit organizations that aim to serve societal interests by focusing advocacy and/or operational efforts on social, political and economic goals, including equity, education, health, environmental protection and human rights. In other side Salamon and Anheier (1992) argued that existing third sector organizational definitions had only limited usefulness because they were not holistic. They were either legal (focusing on the type of formal registratio
n and status of organizations in different country contexts), economic (in terms of the source of the organization’s resources) or functional (based on the type of activities it undertakes). Finding such approaches incomplete and partial, they instead constructed a ‘‘structural/operational’’ definition that was derived from a fuller analysis of an organization’s observable features.

And Official Development Assistance define it as a “community based voluntary organizations that help themselves and serve others at local level, national and international levels, according to Moore (1993) defines them as vehicles for ‘democratization’ and essential components of a thriving ‘civil society, which in turn are seen as essential to the success of the agenda’s economic dimensions.

as the 1980s and 1990s proceeded, NGOs came under a closer and more critical scrutiny, both from supporters and skeptics alike. UNCORRECTED ARTICLE IN PRESS ‘‘Internal’’ debates looked both ways. On the one hand were discussions of how to scale up NGO activities (Edwards &Hulme, 1992), how to run NGOs more success fully and ensure their sustainability as organization (e.g., Fowler, 1997, 2000a; Lewis,2001) and how NGOs might better manage their relationships (Groves & Hinton, 2004; Robinson, Hewitt, & Harriss, 2000). NGOs are "putting people first" in their work as a methodology and as a goal (Cernea,1985, 1987b), particularly the poor groups, and are themselves an embodiment of this principle. They organize people to make better use of their own local productive resources, to create new resources and services, to promote equity and alleviate poverty, to influence government actions towards these same objectives and to establish new institutional frameworks that will sustain people-centered or actor-centered development

in the sense of a body of thinking and practice about why poverty exists and persists, and about how to eradicate it, has a relatively recent history.

Feature of NGOs in Palestine

          The historical role of Palestine NGOs in providing services to the Palestinian population dates back to the early years of the Israeli occupation in the late 1960’s when the Israeli Civil Administration was primarily responsible for the provision of social services. At the time, Palestine NGOs largely operated within what was then commonly referred to as the ‘national movement’ and were largely linked to Palestinian political parties. Even in the mid-1970s, when developmental PNGOs started proliferating, these were also largely linked to the Palestinian political factions. The practices of PNGOs during this period, and until the early 1990s, were therefore very much shaped by a combination of nationalist and development goals (George Giacaman, 1998 in Hanafi and Tabar, 2005).

 In the 1990’s, a large number of professionalized PNGOs were created. During this time, as they started working more as developmental organizations, their relationship with grassroots organizations was weakened (Hanafi and Tabar, 2005). This coincided with a period when donor funding for PNGOs had also started to diminish. Whether or not this transition in the role of PNGOs was itself influenced by the shift in donor policies is subject to extensive discussion and debate that is beyond the scope of this survey.

The signing of the Declaration of Principles – also known as the ‘Oslo Agreement’ – in 1993,

which was followed by the establishment of the Palestinian Authority (PA), marked a new era in the work of PNGOs; one in which they were challenged to redefine their role alongside

that of the PA as the main provider of social services. Following a period characterized by rivalry and competition, the relationship between the PA and PNGOs was eventually formalized and regulated by the approval in 2000 of Law No (1) of Charitable Associations

and Community Organizations. By the early 2000’s, the vision of PNGOs was broadly defined by four primary components: i) to contribute to the building of a viable independent and democratic state; ii) to contribute to the development of a vibrant and democratic civil society; and iii) to contribute to the human and community development process and respond to people’s emergency and humanitarian needs; and iv) to defend the interests, needs and rights of marginalized groups. Within this framework, advocacy, awareness raising, service provision, capacity building, coordination and networking were all underlined as important functions of PNGOs.

 Today, Palestinians are still facing the same challenges as they were a decade ago; namely that of establishing statehood and building strong institutions, a vibrant economy and a dynamic civil society. However, Palestinians are now facing these challenges amidst conditions far less favorable than those that existed five or even ten years ago. After five years of intensified conflict and a severe economic depression, national cohesion has been undermined, institutions have been weakened, resources have been depleted, and the population has become largely impoverished.

In a study about “The Role of Civil Society Organizations in Society Building and Empowerment of the Palestinian People” it mentioned, Palestinian Civil Society Organizations their Structures, Culture and Performance that Palestinian society includes two types of social institutions.

       The first is the traditional social institution, which includes tribes, clans, extended families, urban, rural, familial and sectarian networks and religious groups. The second type is the modern institution, such as political parties, charitable societies, trade unions, professional associations, women ‘s associations, NGOs, media and advocacy groups and other service-providing organizations. Both types of social constructions are present and active in Palestinian society and represent different perspectives, whether related to Palestinian cultural heritage, modern, western or traditional patriarchal values.

Then the study adds that relationships between traditional and modern institutions within Palestinian society have both positive and negative aspects. The two types of organizations have not yet been able to achieve a mutually beneficial method of interaction. This failure is attributed to two factors: first, defects in both types of institutions and in their performance, and second, the role of external factors, especially the Israeli occupation, in reinforcing contradictions in respective institutional goals. To a degree, each has adapted to the other ‘s existence within society, but adaptation is not adequate if the two are to work in tandem to guide Palestinian society forward on the path to sustainable development. The reliance of certain political parties on a tribal system of leadership represents a clear example of the interest-oriented cooperation and adaptation that characterizes the relationships between modern and traditional Palestinian institutions.15

Another issue studied about the NGOs and civil society in Palestine the legal status it mentioned that Some traditional institutions within Palestinian society were created voluntarily in accordance with the needs and the wishes of the local community, whereas others were established by fiat or by force over a long period of historical development. Some of these older institutions were founded during the Ottoman period and eventually gained popular acceptance during the period of the British mandate. They were subsequently absorbed into the Jordanian system and later into the PNA. In contrast, modern NGOs are established and operate within the Palestinian legal framework, as well as within the framework of Israeli laws and military orders that are the legacy of the continued occupation of the Palestinian territories  Certain prov
isions of the May 1994 Cairo Agreement between the PLO and the state of Israel also serve to direct NGO activities within Palestine. After the establishment of PNA, legal restructuring was needed. However, the legislative framework in existence did not adequately support or provide guidance to the required reorganization within the government.

Palestinian NGOs join a vital part of the Palestinian business community in terms of their role in service delivery and the socio-economic development process. They Exist as a major pillar of Palestinian civil society, which is responsible for protecting Citizens' interests, providing them with platforms for self-expression, and reaching Out with their services to the poor and marginalized. According to PCBS statistics on Palestinian NGOs for the year 2007, there are almost 1,500 Palestinian NGOs active in the West Bank and Gaza, in addition to tens of NGOs that are registered at the Ministry of Interior and have yet to commence operations the term NGO is used in this paper to include charitable societies, development oriented non-governmental organizations, community-based organizations (CBOs), and other non-profit groups organized to serve public interest. These NGOs have carved a space for themselves between the community, the government, donors, civic groups, traditional Palestinian organizations, and the international community. These NGOs are in a strategic position to influence the future of Palestinian society.  

NGOs, continue it works by providing an important role in maintaining social cohesion, ensuring that the poor can have their basic needs, promoting steadfastness among the population, supporting the social aspiration of the search for a vital Palestinian state.

        A study for in 2008 showed that the majority of the researched companies (20 companies) did not have a positive perception of Palestinian NGOs and CBOs and of the role they play in developing the Palestinian communities. On the other hand, while 11 of the companies expressed positive impression of NGOs and CBOs,16 expressed the need for improvement in financial or administrative transparency and in terms of the type and quality of projects they implement. Most of the companies that looked at NGOs favorably also suggested improvements in the area of coordination in order to avoid duplicating efforts thus expanding the benefiting segments, and moving away from donor imposed agendas to more grassroots ones.

 A critical study said: Palestinian political parties and political movements are powerful influences within Palestinian society.  They serve as catalysts for action at the political and social level.

Trust in civil society organizations in Palestine:

           In general, a negative perception exists toward institutions with political origins, whose numbers are on the rise within Palestinian civil society.  Others believe that the large number of civil society organizations connected to government activity is a positive indicator, although limited in scope. Autocratic organizational systems, lack of leadership rotation, accountability and transparency in others, and deference  The Commission ‘s membership consists of representatives of Palestinian civil society, different ministries, the private sector, UNRWA, Zakat Committees and some donor representatives under the coordination and management of the Ministry of Planning. The Commission published the first Palestinian poverty report with support from UNDP.  

Then, it conducted extensive research on poverty in Palestine using the Participatory Poverty Assessment approach with support from the United Kingdom. The publication of the poverty report initiated high-level discussion among stakeholders in the development process on major issues related to poverty. Most importantly, this process helped formulate a relevant Palestinian antipoverty strategy agreed upon by the majority of stakeholders. The publication of this report is supervised by the Birzeit University DSP in cooperation with two committees: one advisory and the other inter-ministerial.  

 The two committees represent stakeholders in the development process from the NGO sector, the PNA and the private sector in cooperation with the Ministry of Planning and with support from UNDP. The regular publication of this report, as well as the preparatory work required for its publication represent a significant contribution to the strengthening of relationships among different stakeholder’s groups and in identifying primary strategies for human development and poverty eradication. to donors in some cases and to the PNA in others, are all factors which erode the public trust. Severe criticism was directed at the politicization of civil society organizations and at the practice of the PNA ‘s employment of civil society leaders in official positions. Some participants also noted the lack of coordination between civil society organizations and the PNA; governmental ineffectiveness and its failure to discharge its responsibilities; and the prevailing security anarchy, which have all contributed to the malfunctioning of civil society organizations and diminished public confidence. Another frequent observation was made as to the declining role of civil society organizations under the PNA compared to the role they assumed in society prior to the government’s founding.

The table show the level of trust in Palestinian civil organizations, 2000 organization the highest rate of trust for universities 80%, lowest rate for political movements and parties.

Development

         When there is, a problem facing the societies and citizens then all efforts working toward to solve it. And when a disaster problem like poverty exists and persists then the idea of development must exist. Development not come by accident it need a strong base of organizations and collaborating with government to be sure it achieves what it creates for, so many studies talks about development its definition and theories, mention the development era is said to have been launched by President Truman in 1949, and indeed most of the best-known specialized UN agencies were established at around that time.  

Development NGOs Came into being even more recently, though many of today's familiar Names – Save the Children Fund, CARE Oxfam, began their lives as welfare or emergency relief agencies, and they converted to development in the 1960s and 1970s. Thousands more were spawned as the development industry really took off. As it became better understood that the causes of poverty and vulnerability were structural, and not natural, so it became part of NGO lore that development was the best form of disaster prevention, and that a ‘developmental’ rather than a ‘derring-do’ response was more appropriate in emergencies.

Of course, a great variety of approaches and activities were and still are bundled into the category of ‘development’, covering anything and everything from building latrines and sinking tube wells through to supporting union education programs and human rights work. But, whether NGOs took a ‘basic needs’ or a ‘structural change ‘approach, there was widespread consensus that getting rid of stubborn poverty would require something more than, and something quite different from, humanitarian relief. Civil society, by contrast, has a centuries-long history in Western political thought, dating back to the philosophers of Ancient Greece. It is very much alive and well today, although, as is increasingly obvious, it is a very imprecise term. Like some of its predecessors in the development lexicon community participation bottom-up development it is more often invoked to convey a benign glow than to illuminate debate or practice.  

        Both Myers (2011) as he discusses in
Walking with the Poor and the Avrupa Gunlugu in No: 4/2003pp. 299-326 as cited in the Journal of Turkish Weekly (2013) posit that the idea of development as poverty eradication came at the aftermath of World War II as mostly a product of western nations facing the Cold War world. Therefore, the developmental paradigm for years was pro-western, and approached from a worldview that, material development was in essence real development. Thus, this model emphasized economics.

In business dictionary, they define the development as “the systematic use of scientific and technical knowledge to meet specific objectives or requirements” , in this definition they only focus on rigid and materialism and away from the spiritual and social influences that have a fundamental relationship with development. So, some researchers were not agreeing with this definition they sew that it have to include all aspects. Mention, Development in the true sense must be holistic and multi-dimensional affecting the physical, socio-cultural, political, economical, and spiritual aspect of people and their environs within a given context. Myers (2011) asserts this when he says the new paradigm should be transformational development, which speaks about “seeking positive change in the whole of human life materially, socially, psychologically and spiritually” (Myers, 2011 p.3).

This development in general but sure in every condition its different. In Palestine there is some especial conditions effect on development process, occupation come on the first line of these list it have the most effect on it, then limited resources make the competitive on it so high and risky, then follow with Control and dominance of a class on developmental projects and their exploitation in personal goals, and the organization of civil society and also government organization all have agenda to create development and sustainability in Palestine but in realty Palestine now classifies as a de-development country.

       A study showed the activities of Civil Society and NGOs Institutions in Palestine it present as following, some development-oriented NGOs were established to address the everyday problems of life resulting from the Israeli occupation in 1967. These NGOs created different directions for themselves than those of charitable societies—going beyond the provision of direct and immediate relief, seeking instead to develop society ‘s internal ability to create an alternative, parallel system to the Israeli occupation- one capable of resisting it.

Each civil society institution oriented towards development operates in its own domain and occasionally within joint domains as well. Their activities intertwine with efforts of official institutions in preserving the Palestinian social fabric and in the fields of health, education, culture, and social welfare. In addition, they interact with the surrounding environment, reacting to roles played by neighboring countries and roles played by the Israeli occupation with its different manifestations and dynamics.

 They also interact with the wider environment as they work to secure external funding sources, advocacy and support linkages from United Nations agencies and other international institutions. Activities sponsored through Palestinian civil society institutions and organizations have a significant impact on the community. As result, they hold a large degree of responsibility for both the positive and negative outcomes of their programs.  But not all institutions and organizations operate effective, well-managed programs, so the individual impact of civil society groups varies widely from organization to organization. Similarly, community response to civil society programs varies in accordance with how well the programs serve the needs of its target groups.  

Post 1967, the number of Palestinian NGOs and their role in society notably increased. That role became even more critical following Israeli incursions into the Palestinian territories and the intensified attempts to destroy the PNA since 2000. Civil society organizations greatly advanced the processes of modernization and development in this period, and unceasingly worked to establish a functional system of civil services to oppose the Israeli system.

Palestinian NGOs have worked to meet community needs since 1967.  They strive to remain abreast of a host of newly emerging responsibilities, in the absence of a functioning PNA and in the presence of hostile occupation forces. After 1994, they also operated in the absence of any supportive network of government regulations or policy. Donor funding played an important role in the development of the Palestinian NGO infrastructure.  Since 1967, donor assistance created a reliable revenue stream, built internal capacity and transferred technical know-how and development experience to NGOs in all sectors of Palestinian society. NGOs in turn utilized its relationships within the donor community to promote understanding of the Palestinian political cause and to resist the occupational authority ‘s attempt to hide the harsh realities of Palestinian daily life from the eyes of the world. However, the relationship of Palestinian NGOs and the donor community is not without negative aspects.  Donor aid is often accompanied by specific, and sometimes conflicting, political agendas. Lack of internal organization and clearly established sets of priorities within the NGO community forced many civil society associations to accept without challenge the will of donor groups.

 The heightened state of dependency weakened the ability of Palestinian NGOs move decisively in the direction of sustainable development, and resulted in the wasting of financial resources, duplication of projects, diminished quality of services, and a subjugation of the NGO leadership and vision to the donor community.  In addition, donors unintentionally pitted NGOs against one another in an unhealthy competition for funding. NGOs tailored their programs to align with the stated objectives of donor initiatives in order to secure resources. Many NGO programs overemphasized short-term emergency relief work, usually at the expense of their longer-term programs designed to promote sustainable development. To a large degree, NGOs have individually succeeded in developing modern organizational structures, established standards for performance and effective service delivery systems for program beneficiaries.  The NGO community has failed, however, in creating a central infrastructure to harmonize and coordinate the work of individual civil society organizations under the umbrella of a strategic vision for sustainable development and the collective empowerment of society.

        a paper in 2011 evaluates the economic and social effects of foreign aid in Palestine during the period of 1990-2009. The estimates of economic impacts have been obtained using endogenous growth model, whereas the social effects have been gauged using qualitative and descriptive analysis. Results indicate that most of foreign aid is consumed and not invested, implying that the Palestinian National Authority cannot depend on this aid to achieve sustainable economic growth. Moreover, a relatively high proportion of aid is given to Palestinian, based on political considerations rather that for solidarity, and development matters, which makes the Palestinians feel less affinity with the donors.

conclusion

Development can make great states in economic social and human capacity, if it’s not available then the state is dragged to the bottom, to implement development it needs many factors but the existence of NGOs sector is the most effective factor on the success of this progress. And because those organizations hold the basic column of development then if it succeeds then the development is achieved, from the studies mentioned above some researchers mentioned the role of NGOs in development an
d its great offers, some showed that they started working good and given positive effects on development then after decades their work deviated from the right path.

 Development doesn’t come only from NGOS work or projects, but these organizations facilitate the work by providing the raw materials, money, collaborative with external experiences, trainings and huge package of services, we can’t avoid its role in development. In Palestine, their role was great but after that it failed in providing developing projects as a result for the reasons discussed above in theories, but we have big sector of NGOs and civil institutions if all work together and with government support and by limiting occupation effects then it can go toward creating development in Palestine.  

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-The historical evolution of PNGOs and their role in civil society has been the subject of extensive research and writing. Some of the more important references include those of Barghouti (1999), Robinson (1997), and Giacaman (1998).

-The general debate over the influence of the donor’s agenda on the work of PNGOs is as much of a global debate as it is a Palestinian one.However, as Palestinians are striving for statehood, the implication of their weakened role as representatives of civil society becomes more critical. Analysis of this subject is covered in writings by Hammami (1995); Salma Shawa (2000); the MAS study on the relationship between PNGOs and civil society organizations (2001) and Hanafi and Tabar (2005)

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