The indigene status dichotomy has unwittingly made opportunity for segregation among Nigerians. The issue was abused during the Second Republic (1979 to 1983) and throughout the fifteen years of military rule. In most states non-indigenes are discriminated against in appointments, the allocation of scholarships, the award of contracts, access to education and health services. This has been the main cause of ethno-religious tensions in cosmopolitan states like Kano, Kaduna, and Plateau.
The education sector in Nigeria over the years has shown some increase in the number of people who can write and speak English and have attained high school standards. The literacy rate in Nigeria in 2002 was 57.10% and has increased to about 68% by 2010 estimates. (Agbola, 2003:6) The country has about 90 universities, comprising 30 federal, 28 state and 32 private universities. (University Nigeria, 2007:2).
These institutions produce thousands of graduates yearly which are supposed to be pivotal to the capacity building efforts of any nation. The FGN has done a good job in building these educational institutions but the quality of education provided by the universities has been on the decline due to poor funding. Furthermore, only a small percentage of these graduates gain employment after their courses, thereby creating frustration and restiveness among these youths and limiting capacity building opportunities as well as decreasing government legitimacy.
There exists an uneven wealth distribution in Nigeria, with a huge gap between the very few extra wealthy and the poor masses. The wealth resides in the hands of a few who mostly are not engaged in productive ventures. These few have access to government contracts which are consumptive and not productive in nature. This strategy cannot eliminate poverty or create economic growth. The views expressed by some Nigerians based in the U.S. indicate that the harsh economic environment has shrunk the middle class over the years. It is the middle class which plays an important role in the democratization process and also provides employment avenues for the masses. (Özbudu, 2005:102).
Economic reforms like the Austerity Measures Program, Structural Adjustment Program (SAP), and the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS), have made marginal achievements, but have not brought the desired succor to the masses. (Bach, 2006:71) For instance, the reforms are supposed to improve basic infrastructure such as electricity generation, portable water and roads but, unfortunately, these public utilities are still inefficient. (Utomi, 2004:126). If the power goes off at night in cities like Lagos, Abuja or Onitsha, the rich turn on their private generators and enjoy the comfort of their exotic homes. In contrast, the masses that are poor and are unable to afford generators remain in their small congested apartments and battle with the heat and mosquitoes through the night. While relatively few rich people live in affluence, (most of which were acquired through corrupt means), the poor masses live in squalor and abject poverty. (Johnson, 2011:2)
The judiciary in Nigeria is also having some challenges in meeting the expectations of the populace. The judiciary in most developed societies is the last hope of the populace for justice and adjudication. Over the years, the judiciary in Nigeria has lived up to its billing in interpreting and adjudicating the law in accordance with the provisions of the constitution. (Ihekweazu, 2012:4) They have also resolved numerous political disputes, but are also facing challenges with corruption and manipulation by the rich who fragrantly break laws with impunity. This creates a situation where the rich elites are believed to be untouchable and above the law; this affects the psyche and value system of the people. A society lacking in good values and an equitable justice system presents an environment for anarchy and socio-economic problems. (Ihekweazu, 2012:4) The uncertainty and volatility which exists in Nigeria creates a fear of the future in the minds of people which pushes them to indulge in the illicit acquisition of funds and corrupt practices in almost all sectors.
Over the years, there has been a problem with law enforcement caused by poorly trained and ineffective police forces and slow judicial processes. For instance, in the U.S., there is a rule of thumb to have about three to four police officers to 1,000 people (PACP 2011:2) and recent estimates indicate that there are about 2.3 million people (2.4%) of her population in prison. This reflects effective policing which deters crime. The United Nations prescribed a minimum ratio of 1:400 police officers to citizens, but this may be hard to achieve in Nigeria because of the cost factor.
Presently, the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) has about 350,000 personnel for a country with a population of about 150 million. The NPF crime fighting equipment is obsolete, which compels them to employ antiquated policing methods. Hence, the country is largely under-policed, since there is hardly the presence and availability of modern crime fighting resources. (Daily Champion, 2009:3). Relatively speaking, the crime rate in Nigeria is not high but the inability of the police to detect and neutralize criminal networks is the problem. These criminal networks sometimes hijack any state of unrest in the country to further their criminal activities, which exacerbates the unrest and ultimately leads to low intensity conflicts. Low intensity conflicts in the country are usually beyond the capacity of the police to handle; thereby necessitating the use of the military to quell the crises. The judiciary is also very slow at dispensing justice; (Ihekweazu, 2012:4). This usually creates a sense desperation, or hopelessness, amongst the people who are aggrieved. Justice delayed may sometimes be viewed as justice denied. The weaknesses of these institutions are largely responsible for the abuse of law and order, and socio-economic problems currently observed in the country. The socio-economic problems in Nigeria can have adverse consequences on her international obligations.
The study therefore gives further research among others that the amnesty program should be restructured to address fundamental issue in Niger Delta such as socio-economic development, inter community difference and ethnic groups in Niger Delta
5.2 Conclusion
With the large number of assorted arms and ammunition surrendered by the militants through the amnesty initiative of the late president Yar Adua's administration, relative peace and improved security situation is now evident. The program has been able to pave way for the cessation of arm conflict and wanton destruction of lives and properties and other forms of criminality in Niger Delta region. Emanating from the peaceful and stable environment is the boost in Nigerian economy through undisrupted and increased oil production. However the gain of the amnesty is lopsided. They are negatively skewed in disfavor of millions of the inhabitants of the host communities in Niger delta. The amnesty initiative is nothing but a militant-centered program that undermines the plight of the entire Niger Delta people.
Whatever benefits that accrue to the people only go to the few youths who accepted the amnesty offer, abnegated militancy and surrendered their arms. However it should be noted that those who renounced militancy constitute a very infinitesimal percentage of Niger delta population so taking them to the camp and re-integrating them does not in any way address the problem of underdevelopment in Niger Delta. The amnesty is silent about the plight of Niger Delta people that cause and reinforced violence agitation in the region. In other words, the amnesty program has not been able to remove them from what sachs (2005) refers to as poverty trap-a situation in which degraded environment, poor health, poor education, poor infrastructure and poor standard of living reinforce one another.
The adoption of the amnesty program in solving the problems of Niger Delta crisis by Yar Adua has proved to be the best of all the past efforts of government at solving Niger Delta crisis. Although. in the view of many, the amnesty program has given Niger delta in particular and the country in general a bad peace and only a proper and prompt address of the various issues that occasioned Niger Delta crisis can consolidate the gain of the amnesty program and the failure of which might lead to the re-emergence of more crisis in the region.