4. What is shamanism and how have anthropologists approached its study? Answer using ethnographic evidence from at least two cultures.
Word Count: 1913
Shamanism is an almost universal practice, appearing in some form or another in societies across all corners of the globe. This makes it a difficult concept to define, as even the most similar practices of different societies tend to possess subtle nuances. In its broadest and most traditional sense however, shamanism can be regarded as a set of spiritual practices and beliefs, centred around the shaman’s relationship with spirits (Jokic, 2008). Eliade furthers this in his comparison of shamans across the globe, describing shamanism as a mystical technique used to cure people, communicate with the gods and guide souls from this world to another (Eliade, 1964). It involves belief in a cosmos inhabited by spiritual entities that affect both humanity and nature (Winkelman, 2000). The approach of anthropologists to this widespread phenomenon has evolved over the centuries, with initial views tending to be critical and ethnocentric. However, in more recent times anthropologists have become more involved in the practice of shamanism, with some ethnographies discussing the experience of the writer as a shamanic apprentice. This, and the rise of neo-shamanism, provide clear evidence for a shift in both interest in and approach to shamanism, a practice that may seem unusual in western society, but in fact takes place widely across the world.
Shamanism is centred around a shaman, a “person regarded as having access to, and influence in, the world of good and evil spirits… [who can] enter a trance state during a ritual, and practise divination and healing” (Oxford Dictionary of English, 2010). The role is often hereditary, although shamans are generally selected for displaying unusual behaviours, such as uncontrollable shaking or hearing voices (Peoples & Bailey, 2015). This shows members of the community that this individual is different to the others, and therefore may have the potential to connect with the spirits. Shamans in the Nuba mountains are chosen if they experience particular dreams or visions, shortly followed by the first trance. This shows that they have been inhabited by a ‘bayel’ spirit who will have selected them for their cleverness and “sweet temper” (Nadel, 1941). In Southeast Asia, on the other hand, shamans are invited by benevolent spirits to serve their community and must then learn how to communicate with the spiritual world and decipher messages from the spirits (Heinze, 1992). Yanomami individuals, meanwhile, experience a process of death and rebirth before becoming a shaman. They overcome the human condition and become a living spirit, having been dismembered by the spirits and inhabited by other spirits (Jokic, 2008). These differing views as to the process of becoming a shaman highlight the variations in belief across the globe about what shamanism is.
One of the key features of shamanism is the idea of a trance state or ecstasy. This involves the shaman altering their state of mind, often by taking drugs or partaking in percussive music or ritual chanting (Peoples & Bailey, 2015). The Bwiti of Gabon, for example, consume iboga, a psychedelic rootbark that stimulates trances of up to thirty hours during a spiritual release ceremony known as “breaking open the head” (Pinchbeck, 2004, p.2). Following this entrance into a trance, the shaman becomes unaware of their physical surroundings, and may even require a description of their behaviour once they have left the trance state. Nevertheless, the shaman remains completely in control of their journey through the metaphysical realm, inaccessible to onlookers, through which they access the benevolent spirits (Harvey & Wallis, 2007). Among the Yanomami of Venezuela, shamans are believed to have the ability to travel through time and space and access all areas of existence in order to connect with the dead and recover souls taken by demons (Lizot, 1991, p.124). In this way, Lommel sees shamanism as a “psychic technique,” with the shaman taking the role of an “ecstatic performer” (Lommel, 1965).
Shamans are also believed to be able to use their supernatural powers to cure sickness, therefore shamanism can be viewed as a form of faith healing, although there are clear distinctions between the shaman and the “medicine-man.” Eliade’s technical outline of the role of a shaman was purposefully chosen to describe a very specific role, and avoid any confusion with the aforementioned medicine-men, as well as witch doctors or psychics. He stated that shamans defend “life, health, fertility, the world of light, against death, diseases, sterility, disaster and the world of darkness” (Eliade, 1964, p.511). For instance, the Zuni in New Mexico have twelve special “medicine societies,” each of which is knowledgeable about different symptoms and illnesses. Once an ill person visits the appropriate society and is healed, they are initiated into the society as they will have learned their secrets (Peoples & Bailey, 2015). The Native American tribe the Navajo or Diné also place significance on the healing aspect of shamanism. However, they believe that shamans can both heal and cause illnesses. Those who are healers will use herbs, singing and chanting to cure disease, while those who cause illness are seen to be witches who “work with the other side” (Thunder, 2008, p.33). This is an unusual difference, as most societies regard shamanism as a positive practice, used only to produce positive outcomes.
In more recent times, a new version of shamanism has arisen, known as neo-shamanism. This refers to the application of shamanism by Westerners “for personal or community healing and empowerment” (Harvey & Wallis, 2007). It is considered as an alternative to biomedicine, using the traditional shamanist practices to enter an altered state of consciousness and get information from non-ordinary reality in order to effect healing not only for the individual, but also for the entire world (Braun, 2010). This includes those actions beneficial to the environment, as well as actions that are advantageous to the health of the individual. In her ethnography, Shamanic Performances on the Urban Scene, Lindquist discusses neo-shamanism in Sweden. Here she describes the positive actions achieved by neo-shamanism, such as the prevention of building work within Hansta woods in Stockholm. Neo-shamans called on cosmological entities to protect the wood and enlighten the politicians as to the importance of nature. By the following day, the construction plans had been delayed by bad weather, and by the time the frost had subsided, politicians had suspended the building (Lindquist, 1997, p.viii). It must be noted, however, that there has been significant criticism of neo-shamanism. It is often regarded as romanticising traditional indigenous practices, with “indigenous critics using the terms ‘whiteshamanism’ and ‘plastic medicinemen’ to describe Westerners appropriating their traditions” (Wallis, 2003). That said, Wallis questions whether one can validly hold criticism of self-proclaimed shamans since the term itself is invented. Anthropologists created the term with reference to those from tribal societies, but its usage is so broad that it can mean different things to different people. Therefore any people calling themselves shamans must be shamans (Wallis, 2003).
The approach of modern-day anthropologists to shamanism vastly differs with outlooks in the earlier days of anthropology, when ethnocentric views dominated, and those from more distant cultures were often seen as “primitive.” When writing about shamanism in the Nuba mountains, Nadel describes the “fiction” inherent in the behaviour of the shamans. Although some trances appear genuine throughout, he argues that on other occasions the shamans consciously show the common symptoms of entering a trance, and equally the audience hold certain expectations and will tend to believe the trance to be real no matter what (Nadel, 1941). It is difficult to determine whether this is actually the case, or if Nadel’s western upbringing had conditioned him to be suspicious of mystical practices, but either way, the tone of his writing conveys a sense of judgement. Other anthropologists have taken an even harsher view, with 18th century scholars, biased by their Christian upbringing, describing shamans as “priest[s] of the devil,” while later Czaplicka believed shamans to be “hysterical” (Harvey & Wallis, 2007, p.201).
As opinions have changed and understanding of the variability in the world has developed, anthropologists have tended to become more understanding and open in their views. Successful anthropologists today therefore approach the study of shamanism with more sensitivity so as not to insult or belittle the society they are studying. Particularly in the West, many people doubt claims of the supernatural, so the anthropologist must be careful not to allow personal views to affect their study of another society. This idea is discussed by Kopenawa in his writings about Yanomami shamanism. He describes the way in which a number of anthropologists have demeaned the practices of the Yanomami, while only two, Bruce Albert and Alcida Ramos, have shown effort and respect in their attempts to experience and truly understand Yanomami life (Kopenawa & Albert, 2013, p. 213). This perhaps is due to the fact that one of the main hindrances to accurate ethnography is the subjectivity of the author. Background and personal experiences undoubtedly shape the way in which anthropologists process participant observation, thus approaches to shamanism could also be clouded by an element of subjectivity. Maggie Mountain Lion, writing about Gitksan shamanism, inevitably takes a different approach to most anthropologists as she considers herself to be a witch. She believes this gives her a unique insight, however she remains an outsider as revelation of her identity would associate her with evil magic. She concludes “however sympathetic and respectful, I remain on the outside looking in” (Lion, 1994, p.94).
The most recent approach to shamanism by anthropologists began in the 1960s, involving ethnographers choosing to live with indigenous peoples and train as shamans rather than simply observe them. They experiment with trance states in order to better understand the people whom they are studying. In the ethnography Body and Emotion, Desjarlais discusses his experience as a shamanic apprentice among the Yolmo Sherpa of Nepal. He participates in more than twenty healing ceremonies by creating rhythmic music, sacrificing chickens, and imploring the spirits to enter their bodies. He found that his trances, although less significant, were similar to those of the shaman (Desjarlais, 1992). This approach causes a slight dilemma however, as it makes it difficult to write about shamanism academically, due to such an “insider” view. According to Ana Bacigalupo studying Mapuche shaman in Chile, ethnographers must play the role of engaged participant, as well as detached observer. Shamans expect the ethnographer to be fully committed to their role, making it hard to write about their experiences (Bacigalupo, 1999). This experiential approach therefore provides a unique insight into the roles and lives of shamans, but may not be the most productive in terms of scholarship.
Ultimately it is clear that traditional shamanism can be regarded as a spiritual ritual involving healing of people and the natural world through the shaman’s communication with the spirits. Hoppal provides a concise summary: “shamanism is a practice that involves a practitioner reaching altered states of consciousness in order to perceive and interact with a spirit world and channel these transcendental energies into this world” (Hoppal, 1987, p.76). Throughout its period of study, shamanism has been an unfamiliar concept to those of the western world, resulting in a range of approaches by anthropologists to the practice. Ethnocentric views previously dominated, but have been overtaken by increasingly sensitive curiosity, with anthropologists today choosing to train as shamans in order to better understand the topic about which they are writing. The emergence of neo-shamanism further demonstrates the desire to understand and use this previously doubted practice, and perhaps marks the beginning of a new era of spiritual communication.