This report analyses how sectarianism has become an emerging aspect in world politics resulting in conflict. Upon investigation of the sectarianism in Egypt and Nigeria evidence proves that sectarianism is not all-encompassing. Both instrumentalism and constructivism are useful approaches in understanding how sectarian groups are mobilized today however its limited as sectarianism intertwines with various societal problems. For example, in Nigeria, BokoHaram’s violent nature and belief in a radical version of Islam is a symptom of the failure of the Nigerian government to eradicate corruption and deal with socio-economic issues like poverty and unemployment. While in Egypt, sectarianism can be attributed to the presence of institutionalised sectarianism and the participation of leaders in the debate over religion in public life. Although sectarianism in Egypt is unique (e.g. no funding is required for sectarian actions) it can still be compared to Nigeria due to the overarching themes both display. A key overarching issue is the use of violence by actors to achieve their self-seeking objectives.
Contrary to belief, secularism is not the solution to the occurrence of sectarianism rather as Charles Taylor asserts is what produces it. This belief is weakened by the fact that sectarianism occurs in supposed secular countries like Egypt and Nigeria. It is therefore recommended that to tackle sectarianism the underlying problems which exacerbate prejudice in each country should be addressed. This recommendation emanates from scholarly arguments such as the START report (2015).
INTRODUCTION
In the most recent decades’ sectarianism has turned out to be one of the key parts of governmental issues and society in the Middle East. For example, President Barack Obama while addressing fellow Americans on the military intervention in Syria noted how “in that part of the world, there are ancient sectarian differences”. Obama attributes the sectarianism in the Middle East to ancient differences but he fails to recognize that in the past despite religious communities fighting each other they have often lived in harmony. However, recently sectarian conflict has risen in different parts of the world especially in the West African region and this calls for an evaluation. The sectarianism in West Africa cannot be attributed to ancient differences but is a consequence of a broad range of political and economic issues. Economic issues such as poverty, unequal resource allocation are a cause of sectarian conflict in Nigeria.
Taking this into account, this report argues that the sectarianism in Egypt is unique however it can still be compared to Nigeria due to the overarching themes both cases display. Therefore, this report will entail a discussion of the theory of sectarianism, discuss the sectarianism in Egypt and Nigeria, compare both cases of sectarian conflict and finally, it would evaluate the ways in which sectarianism can be tackled.
1 The Theory of Sectarianism
Sectarianism occurs when members of a sect or denomination within a faith display bigotry towards each other or towards those outside of their sect and faith. Examples include Sunnis and Shias within Islam. This section would evaluate the theory of sectarianism by focusing on the approaches and drivers of sectarian identity.
1.1. Approaches to Sectarianism
There are three main approaches to understanding sectarianism which are linked to ethno-nationalist mobilization: primordialism, instrumentalism, and constructivism. The first approach, primordialism views sectarian identities as being “fixed collectivities” influenced by ancient hatreds and embedded in human psychology and social relations. In other words, for primordialist ethnic mobilization is an emotional drive for group solidarity and support. But it’s criticized for failing to clarify how ethnicity can be used as a tool of mobilization during times of conflict. Instrumentalism, on the other hand, suggests that ethnicity is susceptible to manipulation by leaders who emphasize group differences and invoke feelings of fear and annihilation to mobilize individuals. In other words, sectarian discourses are tools used by elites to promote their political and economic interests. Constructivism adopts a middle ground approach as they assert that although ethnicity has immutable features and leaders play an important role in the mobilization process, the conflict starts from “pathological social systems” which breed conflict from social cleavages.
1.2. Drivers of Sectarian Identity
What are the drivers of sectarian identity which shift the focus from individual to group identity? The key drivers of sectarian identity are: – external influence, economic competition and contested cultural ownership of the nation.
1.2.1. External Influence
Foreign influences are crucial in understanding sectarian dynamics that are often ignored. The two examples which best illustrate the direct impact of foreign influences on sectarian relations are post-2003 Iraq and the event of Ottoman Mount Lebanon. Ussama Makdisi notes how “a weakened Ottoman authority was increasingly influenced by the wishes of European powers who viewed Mount Lebanon through a sectarian prism: in this multi-confessional society sectarian identity became the only viable marker of political reform”. In both cases, foreign influences reduced society to confessional division and formulated policies based on that focal point which increased the political relevance of sectarian identities.
Foreign influence has also impacted on the sectarianism in Nigeria. For example, Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) provides training and finance to the BokoHaram.
1.2.2. Economic Competition
Economic competition and states fostering one side over the other creates feelings of a ‘them’ and ‘us’ situation which strengthens group identification and exacerbates tension. Economic discrimination is usually along tribal or geographic lines which lead to poverty in the victimized group. In the Iraqi context, the British Consul-General reported how the Sunnis felt the Shias were increasing their control of the vital sectors of the state while during the twentieth century Shia activism was characterized by feelings of socioeconomic discrimination. Similarly, in the Nigerian context because the Northern part of the country is characterized by high levels of unemployment and poverty BokoHaram can recruit members easily by asserting that the government favours the South more.
1.2.3. Contested Cultural Ownership of the Nation
Cultural ownership of a nation becomes a drive when sects want “their myth and symbols incorporated into state narratives of nation” as a way of validating their belief of being embodiments of the nation. It becomes a relevant driver only when sectarian identity is inflated. For example, in post-2003 Iraq: streets and neighbourhoods were renamed and national holidays were introduced to reflect sectarian symbolism. Furthermore, sectarian identity is a prominent feature of the Iraq state and used as a national narrative as the state has failed to create an Iraqi national identity which encapsulates the various narratives of sects.
2 Sectarianism in Egypt
Egypt is an interesting case study because the animosity between Muslims and Christians (Copts) is not endemic in Egyptian society nor does not reflect “ancient hatreds” but is because of “the changing attitude of both state and society towards religious tolerance”. Sectarianism in Egypt can be understood in two main ways: 1. Institutionalised sectarianism and 2. The way each leadership era handled the debate The following sections would evaluate the key aspects of Egyptian sectarianism.
2.1. Underlying factor of the Sectarianism in Egypt
The underlying factor that has contributed to the rise of sectarianism in Egypt is the debate over religion in public life which endured all through the first half of the twentieth-century. It is comprised of two sides: – On one side is the Islamists made of members of the Muslim Brotherhood and traditional elites who want a close association between religious and political authority. They argue that Islam is a symbol of the nation’s commitment to its Islamic heritage. On the other side are the Secularists comprised of Christians who oppose a close association between religious and political authority due to the fear of becoming second-class citizens in Egyptian society.
This debate is significant as it reflects the division between Liberal and Illiberal concepts of nationalism. Liberal conceptions of nationalism are non-discriminatory and offer membership to individuals within the territory of the state despite their religious or ethnic affiliation while Illiberal conceptions of nationalism link political standing to affiliation with faith.
2.2. Essential Features of the Sectarianism in Egypt
1.
The Geographic spread of Violence- The 3 main areas of sectarian incidences are: – Upper Egypt, Lower Egypt and Delta, 12 governorates including the border provinces, three canal governorates (Suez, Ismailaya and Port said), two new governorates in Greater Cairo area (Helwan and October) and coastal governorate of Damietta. Upper Egypt is the most prominent area as it has the highest number of incidents and the sectarian incidences are long in duration resulting in a high number of losses.
2. Types of Sectarian Violence- The types of sectarian violence are: – Collective retribution, violence prompted by Christians engaging in religious rites such as praying, targeting churches and premeditated murder. Most accounts of sectarian incidences are a result of the first two types. Collective retribution is unique as it can be caused by the smallest disagreement. For example, two boys are playing on a football field one a Copt the other a Muslim. If a disagreement ensues between both boys and the Muslim boy is found to be picked on regardless of the relationship between the two surrounding Muslims in the area would use the notion of ‘honour’ to incite sectarian violence.
2.3. Institutionalised Sectarianism (Way I)
Numerous institutional and official practices have cultivated in individuals attitudes of bigotry towards minority groups. Although the state has customarily made efforts to create national narratives its reaction to interfaith conflicts contradicts their effort. Consequently, attitudes of bigotry have become a part of Egyptian society creating a form of regulated sectarianism which gives room for violence to spread. The three areas which display state-citizen discriminatory practices are: –
1. Education- While observing Egyptian classrooms (both in Secular and Al-Azhar schooling) analyst have relied on various sources to understand discriminatory practices. The use of textbooks is the most prominent source and the Institute for Monitoring Peace and Cultural Tolerance in School Education conducted a study on Egyptian Textbooks which concluded that while secular textbooks demonstrated a strong commitment to strengthening Christian-Muslim relations the Al-Azhar textbooks, on the other hand, promoted attitudes of intolerance towards non-Muslims by naming them ‘infidels’. In a Grade 7 book titled ‘Selected Texts from the Prophetic Tradition’ one of the statements were ‘It is apparent that the good deed of a greeting [a person] is [reserved] for a Muslim [only]. As regards the infidel, one should not greet him’ (p. 9). Such statements are detrimental to Egyptian society as its institution train future Islamic sheiks and scholars who are expected to be instrumental in promoting relations with non-Muslim minor communities.
2. Security Management of Relations- State strategy to the changing nature of sectarian tension in post-2011 Egypt can be described as inadequate and this is best understood by evaluating how states responded to sectarian incidences. Upper Egypt is known for having the highest number of conflict but the disconnect with urban Egyptian life has led the centralized state in Cairo to have a non-responsive attitude to Christian-Muslim conflicts that occur. Furthermore, the state’s strategy of reconciliation to address sectarian conflict fails to address the fundamental issues as conflicts often go unresolved which lead to new ones being created. Consequently, Copts have relied on alternative means to ensure safety in their respective neighbourhoods.
3. Media- The inaccurate and biased portrayal of sectarian incidences by the media is another factor which has pushed the issue of religious sectarianism further. Some aspects of the media are classified as being inaccurate for example after the coverage of the attack on Copts in 2005 various Egyptian media personalities criticized Al Jazeera for the graphic image used. This is because media coverages are interpreted by communities differently and can foster feelings of discrimination. However, the bias of Egyptian media has been downplayed due to the rise of international press which gives greater coverage to Copt-Muslim relations since 2011 and has increased awareness among non-Christian activists who are more vocalized.
2.4. The way each leadership era handled the debate (Way II)
Each leader adopted their own approach to the debate over religion in public life which helped foster feelings of discrimination which later evolved into sectarianism. Thus, identity went from “Egyptianness” to Islamic.
Gamel Abdel Nasser came to power through a coup on July 1952 and his vision was to create a state authority that was both secular and modern. Secular meant that individuals would not be discriminated by faith while for the modern aspect he adopted the twin concept of Arab nationalism and socialism.Nasser focused on Arab socialism which was non-sectarian in nature to reflect the presence of Christians in Egypt. In trying to get rid of the old order he took a confrontational stance towards the Muslim brotherhood who advocated a central role of religion in public life.This conflict came to an end in 1954 after an assassination attempt on Nasser’s life which led to the conviction of eight hundred members and the execution of six leaders. Nasser’s legacy of secularity was short-lived by Israel victory over Arab forces in 1967 and his death in September 1970.
Following Nasser’s death, Anwar Sadat was officially elected as president on October 15th, 1970. Sadat sought to include religion in public life and achieved this through a wide number of actions. Firstly, he promoted a theologically conservative Islam in public sphere.Secondly, he had his attendance in Friday prayers aired on state television which is why his commonly referred to as “al-Rais al- Mumen” (the believing president). Thirdly, in 1971 a new constitution was adopted which increased the role of Islam in Egyptian public life and by 1980 the constitution had been further amended to make Islamic law “the primary source of legislation” (al-masdar al-ra’issi). This actions led to the growth of Islamist jihadist who eventually assassinated him in 1981.
Hosni Mubarak, Sadat’s successor characterized his government as being “defenders of the secular vision of modernity” but his regime was totally the opposite and the hallmarks of Sadat regime were upheld. During Mubarak’s era, the media and several state institutions were tools used to promote a vision of Islam that supported state authority and military rule. The revolution of January 25, 2011, commonly referred to as the “Day of Wrath” makes Mubaraks’ era significant. During this revolution, Copts and Muslims came together under the umbrella of nationality and pushed side by side in Tahrir Square against Mubarak police and thugs. Actions such as the Copts encircling and defending praying Muslims display feelings of national unity and on February 18, 2011, Mubarak finally stepped down.
Feelings of national unity however deteriorated and the Post-Mubarak era is characterized by a high level of discrimination towards Coptic Christians the largest minority in Egypt. A variety of issues such as excluding Copts from official positions and official population count are evidence of this discriminatory practices. For example, no Christians occupy official positions such as governors, mayors or cabinet officials in Egypt.
3 Sectarianism in Nigeria
Nigeria is one of the world’s largest oil producers and has a reputation for being a regional peacekeeper. The current population of 189 million makes it the largest country that is half-Christian half-Muslim. Despite these positive features, internally the country has been saturated by high levels of corruption, bad governance and poverty. Recently, sectarianism has become part of these problems with the emergence of the BokoHaram.
3.1. BokoHaram
The BokoHaram is a radical Islamist group and is the main actor of sectarian violence in Nigeria. Although, the group are not recognized as a terrorist organization due to Hillary Clintons resistance the abduction of 276 schoolgirls in Chibok, Borno State on the 14th of April 2014 made them known worldwide.
3.1.1 Founding and Evolution
Originally called Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’ Awati Wal Jihad (the Sunni Community for the propagation of the prophet’s Teachings and Jihad) the movement which later evolved into BokoHaram was founded in 2002 by Mohammed Yusuf in Maiduguri, Borno state. Yusuf was a student of Sheik Abubakar Gumi leader of the Izala movement in the 1990s which was the source of his earliest followers, and was additionally coached by Sheik Jafaar Adam. In Maiduguri, Yusuf held a leadership position at Ndimi and Daggash mosques but was expelled from both in 2002 due to his expanding radicalism.
After his expulsion, Yusuf established a mosque and an Islamic school “to serve as a magnet for primary and secondary pupils who, in response to his teachings would abandon Westernized school in the belief that Western education [Boko] is a sin [Haram]”. His radical sermons on Muslim establishment and the state gained him followers called “Yusufiyya” in Northern Nigeria and the bordering areas of Chad and Niger. Due to the non-violent nature of the group Yusuf was regarded as a “moral crusader” who only offered financial assistance to his followers who reciprocated by reimbursing the “common purse”. The group was also a form of militia employed for electioneering activities by Governor Ali Modu Sheriff.
The key moment during Yusuf’s era was the June 2009 conflict which all started from the new law that required motorcyclists to wear helmets and banned riding at night. Because of the clash between Yusuf’s sect and the police in Bauchi state 900 people died in Maiduguri alone. Yusuf was taken into police custody and extrajudicially executed, this is a critical point in the evolution of BokoHaram.
They went underground and emerged in September 2010 under the leadership of Abubakar Shekau with an attack on a Nigerian prison resulting in the escape of 700 members (including 150 BokoHaram members). BokoHaram became a lethal organization because of Shekaus leadership.
3.1.2 Features of BokoHaram
1. Ideology- The key aspects are: – 1. BokoHaram’s primary goal of da’wa (proselytizing and conversion) turned into jihad. 2. Subscription to redistributionist economic ideology for equal wealth distribution which appealed to the poor, uneducated and unemployed. 3. Rejection of Western education- The belief was that Western education was introduced by Christian missionaries as a tool to convert northern Muslims to Christianity. Aspects which question the existence of god are the main areas of rejection. These three strands were built on the centre goal of enshrining Islamic law in aspects of Nigerian society.This has been complicated by the adoption of Sharia law in nine Northern states.
2. Recruitment and Membership- Membership comes from any of these: – 1. Voluntary- Individuals who volunteer are motivated by ideological and religious reasons 2. Incentives- Monetary incentives are used to attract recruits and are the form mostly used by BokoHaram. Due to the high level of poverty, unemployment, and other socio-economic pitfalls young uneducated and unskilled youths are susceptible to become members. 3. Coercive- Individuals kidnapped during BokoHaram raids in towns and villages are forced to support and fight for the group.
3. Funding- BokoHaram is known to support itself financially through criminal activities whether transnational or in the Nigerian context. These criminal activities are non-trafficking in nature. Examples include bank robbery, kidnapping, extortion.
4. Geographical Areas of Violence- Shekaus’ leadership increased BokoHaram’s violence in terms of frequency, lethality and scope of targets (private citizens and property, police, government etc). Global Terrorism Database reported that since 2009 BokoHaram carried out more than 800 attacks which resulted in 4000 fatalities. Figure 3 breaks down the types of target. Geographically, BokoHaram violence is concentrated in the northeast particularly Borno state although they have demonstrated ability to attack in south Nigeria and order regions i.e. Cameroon and Niger.
3.1.3 Official Responses to BokoHaram
Nigerian governments attempt to counter the BokoHaram insurgents through military means has little success. This can be attributed to a variety of reasons: -1. Their response has been greatly affected by the entrenched culture of corruption in the country. Goodluck Jonathan on 8th of January 2012 reported how BokoHaram members had greatly influenced the executive, legislative and judiciary arms of government. 2. Nigerian army had low morale to fight due to the poor weapons provided. The official response of the government was through the Joint Task Force (JTF) who were greatly undermined by their excessive use of force resulting in many killings. Human Rights Watch notes the poor record of JTF and how mistrust from citizens didn’t allow them to gain useful information to defeat BokoHaram which resulted in the spread of BokoHaram members in neighbouring countries such as Chad and Cameroun.
4 Compare the Case Studies
The following sections would show the similarities and differences between the sectarianism in Egypt and Nigeria. It would also assess the relevance of both case studies to the study of the concept of sectarianism.
4.1. Similarities between Sectarianism in Egypt & Nigeria
The following points are the overarching themes displayed from the sectarianism in Egypt and Nigeria: –
1. Sectarian actors always employ violence to achieve their self-seeking objectives.
2. Sectarian conflict always results in loss of property, injury, and death of citizens.
3. The state is the main actor which can tackle sectarianism in the respective countries.
4.2. Differences between Sectarianism in Egypt & Nigeria
The table below displays the differences between both cases: –
Themes
Sectarianism in Egypt
Sectarianism in Nigeria
Main Sectarian groups
Sectarian tension is between Muslims and Copts.
Sectarian tension is between BokoHaram (Islamist militia) and anyone who disagrees with them.
Geographical location of sectarian conflict
The 3 main geographic areas: – Upper Egypt, Lower Egypt, and the remainder governorates.
Mostly carried out in Northeastern part of Nigeria though they have demonstrated ability to attack in the Southern areas of Nigeria
Actors in Sectarian conflict
Carried out by political leaders such as presidents, any member of the threatened sect.
Carried out by members of the BokoHaram.
Targets of Violence
Mostly Copts and their churches.
Target any citizen and their schools, churches, businesses, properties etc.
4.3 Relevance of Case Studies to the study of Sectarianism
Case studies are a type of research method which focus and gather detailed information about a specific group. This report focused on the sectarianism in Egypt and Nigeria to assess the concept of sectarianism which required in-depth analysis. Thus, this case studies are relevant to the study of sectarianism because- 1. They provide qualitative information to the sectarianism occurring in Egypt and Nigeria 2. Both demonstrate that sectarianism occurs in different ways and cannot be strictly defined and 3. Through the case studies, sectarianism can be further explored. However, as a concept case studies have been criticised for their lack of rigour.
5 Tackling Sectarianism
Contrary to belief secularism is not the solution to the occurrence of sectarianism rather is the cause. Charles Taylor notes not all citizens embrace the “all-encompassing” secular conception of the world and those who adopt religion are becoming second-class citizens.Egypt and Nigeria are believed to be secular states yet sectarianism is currently occurring in both countries thus to tackle sectarianism each case must be analyzed and solved individually. The following section would provide ways in which sectarianism can be tackled in Egypt and Nigeria.
1.1. Tackling sectarianism in Egypt
Short-term solutions which can be carried out by the Egyptian government include: – 1. Prompt investigation of sectarian incidence, making perpetrators accountable and compensating victims 2. Reviewing Egyptian legislation to make sure it does not discriminate based on individuals’ faith and 3. Ensure appointment into public services is based on competence and accountability; and issue an equality and anti-discrimination law consistent with constitutional principles as recommended by the National Council for Human Rights.
Additionally, there are long-term solutions which can be carried out by the Egyptian government such as: – 1. Reforming the education in both private and public schools to ensure attitudes of religious tolerance and co-existence among Egyptians are promoted. 2. Ensuring that both private and state-owned media outlets promote messages of religious tolerance and co-existence between all citizens 3. Involve all religious establishments in a strategy to strengthen values of religious tolerance. 4. State training for all those administering the law to respect human values and not discriminate based on religion.
5.2. Tackling sectarianism in Nigeria
The Nigerian government needs to strengthen the political, military and diplomatic elements of the country to end BokoHaram’s insurgency. Specifically: -1. Efforts should be made to train and retrain Nigerian military on how to fight an insurgency. In addition, the Nigerian government should provide military weapons based on support from the United States and Britain to enable operation along Nigeria-Cameroun borders. 2. Security reforms should be instituted to investigate corruption and deal with human rights violation in Boko-Haram afflicted areas. 3. Nigeria must work in partnership with its affected neighbouring countries (Chad, Cameroon and Niger) to create a multi-national force which would defeat the BokoHaram 4. Nigeria’s constitution should be amended to show secularity. and 5. Areas central to the BokoHaram such as socio-economic issues e.g. poverty, unemployment should be dealt with immediately by the Nigerian government
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, sectarianism, and politicized religion is not unique to the MENA region i.e. Egypt as recently we have seen a growth in other parts of the world such as Nigeria. However, the sectarianism in Egypt is unique due to its distinctive characteristics e.g. no funding is required, political leaders display sectarian actions in the public sphere and sectarianism occurs mainly between the Muslims and Copts.
Nevertheless, sectarianism in Egypt can be compared with Nigeria due to the overarching themes both display e.g. use of violence by sectarian actors, sectarian incidents always lead to loss of property, injuries and death of citizens and the state is the main body which can tackle sectarianism in both countries by enforcing religious tolerance.