Researchers generally agree that ex-convicts make up a substantial proportion of the homeless population. Gelberg et al. (1998) reported that 24% of their sample of 529 homeless people identified as ex-felons. In surveys conducted from the late 19th century, 40-80% of male respondents were formerly incarcerated (O’Flaherty, 1996). In a study of homeless shelter use in New York (Metraux and Culhane, 2004), 11% of 48,424 released prisoners visited homeless shelters from 1995 to 1998. The Interagency Council on the Homeless, an establishment within the executive branch responsible for organizing a federal response to end homelessness, claimed that 18% of all homeless people have stayed in a federal or state prison (Rodriguez and Brown, 2003). Evidently, estimates for the population of homeless people who were formerly incarcerated vary widely. Nevertheless, these studies have established an indisputable correlation between homelessness and incarceration.
Efforts to measure the formerly incarcerated homeless population have yet to take place on the national level, but some estimates have been calculated on the state and regional levels. In their study in New York, Metraux and Culhane found that 54.4% of their released prisoners entered homeless shelters within 30 days of their release (2004). Another study in Massachusetts during the 1990s found that roughly 10% of former prisoners were homeless upon their release (Metraux et al., 2007, p.5). While these measures vary by region, they further establish the strong relationship between incarceration and homelessness. These studies also indicate the helplessness of ex-convicts during the time period immediately after their release.
Overlapping subpopulations exist within the formerly incarcerated homeless population. In many studies, African-American males make up the largest proportion of their samples (Metraux and Culhane, 2004; Culhane and Metraux, 1999; Gowan, 2002). In many regions, African Americans make up a substantial proportion of the entire prison population, so this result is not unusual (Gowan, 2002). Studies have also found that older ex-convicts are more prone to shelter use than younger ex-inmates (Culhane and Metraux, 2004; Western et al., 2015). The mentally ill make up a small, but very significant proportion of the formerly incarcerated who are homeless. According to Metraux and Culhane, the mentally ill made up about 1.1% of their sample (2004); however, in San Francisco, McNiel et al. (2005) concluded that the homeless and mentally ill population in 2002 accounted for a substantial proportion of the formerly incarcerated.
Causes of Homelessness
Regardless of region, three primary factors render the average ex-convict homeless: the lack of permanent housing, unemployment, and the absence of government initiative.
First, ex-convicts lack access to permanent, affordable housing (Rodriguez and Brown, 2003; Metraux and Culhane, 2004; Gowan, 2002). Even when they have family members or friends willing to house them, they often decline the help due to parole rules and the social stigma against criminals (Cooke, 2004; Rodriguez and Brown, 2003). In some cases, returning to a family member’s house may not be an option if the member and ex-convict have a history of violence. Other times, moving in with family or friends could endanger their housing situations. For example, ex-inmates cannot return to their families in public housing because subsidized housing guidelines will not accept certain felons (Petersilia, 2005). Without a permanent address to list on official documents, these people cannot apply for adequate employment or loans (Cooke, 2004). A stable source of housing opens the first door towards becoming a prosperous, contributing to member to society, but ex-inmates remain trapped if that door stays closed.
Second, the social exclusion of criminals inhibits their access to legal, steady sources of income. As of 2005, approximately 25-40% of ex-offenders had experienced unemployment (Petersilia, 2005, p. 66). Generally speaking, it’s against the law for an employer to reject a potential employee based on their criminal history; however, there is a decreasing number of occupations for which ex-inmates can qualify (Petersilia, 2005; Cooke, 2004; Western and Beckett, 1999). For instance, the law prohibits employers from hiring ex-convicts for any child care or educational positions. Additionally, criminal records are increasingly easier to access, and sometimes they hold inaccurate information (Petersilia, 2005). The public availability of one’s criminal record is humiliating and damaging to their employment opportunities. An employer survey conducted in five major cities found that approximately 65% of all employers would not willingly or knowingly hire any ex-offender (Worldwide, 2000). Regardless of whether the crime was violent or nonviolent, formerly incarcerated African American men from one study were unemployed or forced take jobs far below their skill and education levels (Cooke, 2004). These men attributed their housing instability to their unemployment (ibid.). Without a stable source of income, ex-inmates lack access to the financial resources necessary to rent an apartment or house, much less pay for a hotel. These studies demonstrate that the social stigma against the formerly incarcerated excludes them from the workforce and contributes to their homelessness.
Third, the government fails to take responsibility for the social and economic consequences of incarceration. Most prisons release their inmates in the middle of the night with nothing except for the clothes on their back. For many prisoners, their time in prison has severed their social ties, preventing them from establishing relationships that could help them reintegrate (Western et al., 2015). Suddenly, they find themselves dropped into society. Many of them have nowhere to go and no funds to support themselves. The criminal justice system argues that welfare and rehabilitation do not fall under their jurisdiction (Rodriguez and Brown, 2003), so they often choose to do nothing about the situations of their former inmates.
Other Consequences of Homelessness
Recidivism constitutes one of the largest obstacles facing the formerly incarcerated homeless population today. In fact, homelessness amplifies the risk of recidivism, especially among younger ex-inmates (Rodriguez and Brown, 2003; Petersilia, 2005; Metraux and Culhane, 2004). Without housing or financial resources, ex-convicts return to their former illegal lifestyles out of necessity and boredom. Many resort to substance abuse, panhandling and vagrancy, and the crimes that initially landed them in prison.
Substance abuse constitutes another consequence for the formerly incarcerated and all homeless people in general (Zelenev et al., 2013; Gowan, 2002). In a study of HIV infected former jail detainees (Zelenev et al., 2013), the homeless subjects had higher levels of drug use, more prevalent mental illness, and lower levels of virological suppression. These findings correspond with the mobile lifestyles of these subjects. Because they cannot find work or a permanent home, these ex-inmates are forced to frequently move around. As a result, they lack access to a regular healthcare provider that could provide them with HIV treatment and other necessities. Constantly moving to new locations also makes it extremely difficult to keep up with the daily heath care regimen that HIV treatments require.
Policy Implications
Researchers have offered several policy implications, and activists have organized non-profit programs to help ex-convicts re-enter society successfully and reduce recidivism. Researchers agree that finding supportive, affordable housing constitutes the first step towards successful reintegration (Rodriguez and Brown, 2003; Metraux and Culhane, 2004; Zelenev et al., 2013 ). By doing so, the justice system generates a multitude of opportunities. A permanent address represents legitimacy and reliability to a certain extent. Having one makes it easier for ex-convicts to apply for healthcare, fill out a job application, open a bank account, etc. Ex-inmates are most needy in the period immediately after their release (Metraux and Culhane, 2004). Although transitional housing may not sound as though it falls under the obligation of the criminal justice system, officials will find that the costs of providing for re-incarcerated prisoners outweigh the expense of tracking down homeless parolees (Rodriguez and Brown, 2003).
Local criminal justice administrators have recently taken the advice of these researchers by prohibiting the release of inmates if they don’t have an adequate living situation to which they can return, by providing housing to help ex-offenders find employment, and by providing transitional services that include housing (Rodriguez and Brown, 2003). Project Greenlight and the Institute’s State Sentencing and Corrections Program (SSC) are only a couple of examples of nonprofits that partner with state officials to reform incarceration policies in ways that enhance public safety while giving fair opportunities to former prisoners to re-enter society (ibid.).
Conclusions
While the proportion of the formerly incarcerated who become homeless has yet to be measured, scholars and officials generally agree that a large population of homeless ex-inmates are struggling to reintegrate into society. They are often single and many have mental illnesses, but even those with families choose to stay away from them for various reasons. Studies have demonstrated that the lack of affordable housing, unemployment, and the lack of assistance from the criminal justice system significantly contribute to their unstable living situations. Through initiatives such as Project Greenlight, the government has been able to cost efficiently aid former prisoners by providing them with stable housing and other opportunities.
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