Higher education scholars have been examining and theorizing about student persistence for decades (e.g., Adelman, 1999; Baker & Pifer, 2011; Bean & Metzner, 1985; Chemers, Hu, & Garcia, 2001; Permzadian & Credé, 2016, Tierney, 2000; Tinto, 1993; Wolf-Wendel, Ward, & Kinzie, 2009). Tinto’s (1975) model of student departure, in particular, was used to describe predictors of persistence and attrition at the undergraduate level. Specifically, he asserted that to make progress, students needed to fully integrate themselves within the institution and its culture. Tinto’s treatment of social and academic integration lent itself to “a theory of graduate communities and doctoral persistence” (1993, p. 231), with a similar premise to that of his theory about undergraduates. According to Tinto’s (1993) theoretical addendum, the theory of doctoral persistence suggested that students must connect with their institution via a strong relationship with their faculty advisor. From this perspective, Tinto suggested – just as in the theory geared towards undergraduates – that students should disconnect from previous relationships and completely integrate into the academic department and build a strong relationship with the faculty advisor. Of particular concern, the doctoral hypothesis – as well as the undergraduate theory – disregarded the necessity of maintaining prior networks that had previously promoted success. His theory was especially counterproductive for students of color, who need to maintain relationships with their home community and culture (Muñoz & Maldonado, 2011; Yao, 2015).
If Tinto’s (1993) hypothesis – that the key to doctoral persistence resides in a student’s deep connection to an advisor – were true, there would not be such a persistent quandary with regard to identifying why nearly 50% of doctoral students drop out (Gardner, 2008; Howard-Hamilton et al., 2009; Lovitts, 2008; Nettles & Millett, 2006). Instead, extant scholarship shows that the various requirements embedded in the doctoral process make completing the degree a challenge for many students (Gardner, 2008). For example, financial aid and length of time to complete one’s degree have been reported to contribute to students’ interest in persisting in graduate studies (Nettles & Millett, 2006; St. John, Cabrera, Nora, & Asker, 2000). In addition, there is agreement that the relationship between the advisor and advisee is important in students’ socialization during graduate school (Barker, 2011; Felder, Stevenson, & Gasman, 2014; Gardner, 2007; Graham, 2013). However, researchers have also found the advising relationship to be a challenge for some students to navigate (Authors, 2016). In their study of 11 Black men in engineering doctoral programs, Authors (2016) illuminated how students perceive racial microaggressions within the advisor-advisee relationship along with the damaging effects they have on graduate students’ mental health and persistence.
Parental and Familial Support
Parental and familial involvement have been shown to contribute to the persistence and success of college students (e.g., Nichols, Kotchick, McNamara Barry, & Haskins, 2010), but scholarship on the ways in which family and parental involvement in college specifically affect underrepresented minority students, and Black students in particular, is comparatively quite slim (e.g., Guiffrida, 2005; Love, 2008; Love et al., 2009; Nora & Cabrera, 1996). Guiffrida (2005) found that high-achieving Black undergraduate students indicated that parental support was among the most important factors in their persistence and success in college. Parents provided a variety of supports, from emotional support in moments of academic strife to financial support. Conversely, Black undergraduates with lower levels of support often experienced lower academic achievement and persistence. Love (2008) examined the ways in which attachments to parental care might act as a buffer against psychological distress for Black undergraduates. She found that parental care served as a significant buffer against psychological stressors that contribute to dropping out among Black students. Love et al., (2009) found that the relationships students had with their parents were reflected in their relationships with other undergraduate students. These peer relationships (and the corresponding parental relationships) were important because African American students who did not build peer attachments experienced greater academic and psychological difficulties and less attachment to their institution.
Spirituality and Religion
Spirituality and religion are separate, but interrelated, concepts. Various definitions of these concepts have been discussed in the literature. Mattis (2002) defines spirituality as “an individual’s belief in the sacred and transcendent nature of life, and the manifestation of these beliefs in a sense of connectedness with others” (p. 310), whereas, religiosity is “the degree to which individuals adhere to the prescribed beliefs and practices of an organized religion.” For Black Americans, spirituality and religion are communal pillars because they have influenced virtually all parts of the American Black experience (Mattis, 2000). Among these influences, hope, persistence, coping, and resilience in the face of systematic oppression are often cited as important functions of religion and spirituality (Mattis, 2000; Watt, 2003). Across the literature, religion and spirituality have been explored as mechanisms of coping, resilience/resistance, and positive identity development (e.g., Dancy, 2010; Patton & McClure, 2009; Stewart, 2002; Watson, 2006; Watt 2003). Watt (2003) found that spirituality helped Black undergraduate women to survive in college through resisting negative messages and using spirituality to form and shape positive identities. This understanding of spirituality was also a theme in Watson’s (2006) study of identity and coping in African American college men and in Stewart’s (2002) findings that spirituality is a key component of Black student identity that contributes to an idea of an integrated self. Dancy (2010) found that when African American men’s college persistence was threatened, spirituality was a source of support, a central part of identity and connection to community, and a source of guidance and calm. Spirituality and religion serve as buffers in times of stress and help Black men in college to resist, cope, and persist.
Undergraduate Mentorship
Mentorship is vital to the persistence of undergraduate students of color and to efforts aimed at remedying their underrepresentation (Brown II, Davis, & McClendon, 1999; Padilla, 1994). It is also argued to be the one of the most important factors in the success of graduate students (Barnes & Austin, 2009; Hoyte & Collett, 1993; LaVant, Anderson, & Tiggs, 1997; Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Palmer & Young, 2009). Hoyte & Collett (1993) found that in the biomedical sciences, certain mentoring programs provided students of color, and in particular Black male Ph.D. students, with positive models for success. Palmer and Gasman (2008) found that mentoring was directly linked to the persistence of Black men in college. In their study, mentors provided support and guidance in times of need, and served as role models for participants to follow. Mentors also functioned as gatekeepers who dispensed insider knowledge that assisted Black men in navigating their campus. Palmer and Young (2009) also indicate that mentors and structured mentoring programs can also help to increase retention of Black men in college. Finally, LaVant, Anderson, and Tiggs (1997) state that African American men who experience mentoring in college are often especially satisfied by their college experiences. Although there is a generally positive trend, more empirical investigation into mentoring of Black men is needed.
While there is a growing body of scholarship on the experiences of Black collegians, there remains a dearth of scholarship on the experiences of Black students at the graduate level. Further, when looking at intersections of race, gender, and ethnicity, understanding persistence at the graduate level becomes even more confounded. The present study attempts to expand current understandings of students’ support systems. In doing so, it highlights the roles of parents/families, spirituality and religion, and undergraduate mentors on the persistence of Black men in engineering graduate programs.