The American Community Survey is a government-funded survey that collects data on the “demographic, social, and economic characteristics” of the United States population (U.S. Census Bureau). This paper analyzes the results of the 2015 American Community Survey (ACS) 1-Year Estimates of Cuban immigrants through a comparative analysis of the ACS data of native-born and foreign-born populations to Cuban immigrants. The data will reveal how Cuban immigrants reinforce stereotypes of immigrant incorporation in the United States. In this paper, I will discuss how the data displays the issues of Cuban immigrant political, societal, and economic assimilation in the United States.
Background
The first major wave of Cuban immigration to the United States began under Fidel Castro’s tyranny (Pew Hispanic Center). The Migration and Refugee Assistance Act, approved by President Kennedy in 1961, funded programs that assisted Cuban refugees escaping political oppression in Cuba (Pew Research Center). In 1966, President Johnson signed the Cuban Adjustment Act (CAA), which granted Cuban immigrants to adjust to lawful permanent residence (LPR) (Pew Hispanic Center, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services). The CAA was revised under the Clinton administration in 1995 as a result of the Mariel boatlift, which was “chaotic exodus of Cubans” migrating to the United States (Pew Hispanic Center). The CAA was coined as the “wet foot, dry foot” policy, which allowed Cuban immigrants to have the opportunity to be granted LPR status once they reach American land and not captured by the United States Coast Guard. In 2017, President Obama ended the “wet foot, dry foot” policy to strengthen diplomatic relations with the Cuban government and to treat Cuban migrants equal to other migrants (J.H. Davis and F.Robles).
Population
Cuban immigrants are identified as “Hispanic” or “Latino” as according to the decennial census questionnaire and other United States Census Bureau surveys. There are 1,210,674 +/- 23,840 Cuban immigrants in the United States. They constitute for 0.376% of the total United States population and 2.79% of the total foreign-born population. The Cuban immigrant population born outside of the United States and entered before 2000 (57.1%) is higher compared to those entered after 2000 (42.9%) due to the large Cuban migration waves from political persecution and poverty. The average total foreign-born population born outside of the United States and entered before 2000 is 56.53%. The median age for Cuban immigrants, the foreign and native-born population is 52.7, 43.9, and 36.0, respectively. The data suggests that the roots and ties of Cuban immigrants are stronger because more Cuban immigrants entered the United States before 2000 than the total foreign-born population.
Political Incorporation
Immigrants must be naturalized to claim the American identity . Naturalization rates of immigrant populations are credible indicators for understanding immigrant political incorporation in the United States. Under the Cuban Adjustment Act, Cubans are granted refugee status and can receive federal government assistance through social welfare benefits, “protection from deportation,” employment, and cash as long as they are free from criminal convictions (M.C. Waters and M.G. Pineau 70). The Attorney General has the authority to grant LPR status to Cuban immigrants if they have resided in the United States for one year and either has been paroled, admitted or admissible as an immigrant. Furthermore, Cuban immigrants have representation via bureaucratic incorporation, which increases political engagement. Programs that assist with Cuban naturalization can “mitigate [the] inequalities” of naturalization and accelerate political incorporation (M.C. Waters and M.G. Pineau 180).
Approximately 58.38% of Cuban immigrants are naturalized American citizens where only 47.81% of the average total foreign-born populations are naturalized, American citizens. Cuban immigrants have higher naturalization rates than the foreign-born population. As naturalized citizens, immigrants are eligible for medical care and have access to higher education. Furthermore, naturalized citizens have the privilege to vote and “participate in the U.S. political system” by being elected to office (M.C. Waters and M.G. Pineau 118). Surveys demonstrate that naturalization is linked with better economic and political incorporation. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL) and Albio Sires (D-NJ) are Cuban immigrants that are currently members of Congress.
Surveys show that a majority of Cuban immigrants reside in Florida, especially Miami-Dade County (Boswell). Miami would be considered an immigrant-receiving city. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen represents Miami-Dade County (House of Representatives). The election of Representative Ros-Lehtinen signifies there is a large voter turnout or need of representation for Cuban immigrants, there is Cuban representation in the legislative and election process, and there are less “barriers to election” in regions heavily populated by Cuban immigrants (M.C. Waters and M.G. Pineau 188). Obstacles include motivation, patience, education, English proficiency and low income. Cuban immigrants have higher English proficiency (91.4%) compared to average total foreign-born population (37.4%), which indicates that there may be higher Cuban voter turnout and civic volunteerism due to their ability to contact English-speaking elected officials, sign petitions, and participate in protests. English proficiency allows immigrants to understand the United States political system. As a result of high naturalization percentages and English proficiency among Cuban immigrants, Cubans are possibly more active in U.S. politics than the total foreign-born population.
While Cuban naturalization percentages are higher than the average foreign-born population, Cuban immigrant education attainment (bachelor degree or higher) percentages (21.2%) are low compared to the average total foreign-born population (29.8%), which may suggest that there is weak Cuban immigrant political incorporation. Education is critical for political incorporation and engagement. Schools formally teach people the importance of civic and political engagement. Immigrants that do not have the opportunities to learn about political engagement either learn for mainstream media, which is biased, or unaware.
Societal Incorporation
Education
A majority of immigrants, especially Hispanic/Latinos, have low education attainment. 21.2% of Cuban immigrants have a bachelor’s degree or higher while the average for all immigrants is 29.8% and for native-born residents, it is 30.8%. Latinos have low levels of education attainment due to language barriers, discrimination, low expectations from society, and different socialization processes. Cuban immigrants compared to the total foreign-born and native-born populations have lower incomes, which indicate that families may not have access to resources that will increase their social capital and educational levels. Immigrant children may not pursue higher education because of barriers such as costs and limited cognitive stimulation from parents. Low levels of Cuban immigrants obtaining a bachelor’s degree or higher suggests that they are not socially integrated into American society because of obstacles that include low income, education, and discrimination. There is a possibility of more second generation Cubans are enrolled in higher education because the current median age of Cuban immigrant is 52.7, the age of parents.
English Proficiency
A majority of United States citizens think that speaking English should be an indicator for successful immigrant incorporation. English proficiency allows people to effectively communicate with health care professionals, limit discrimination, participate in civic volunteerism, “understand political discourse,” and limit social isolation (M.C. Waters and M.G. Pineau 310). It benefits immigrants overall health and “socioemotional well-being” (M.C. Waters and M.G. Pineau 310). Furthermore, bilingualism benefits American diversity, human social capital, and cognitive abilities. English proficiency increases economic opportunities, access to resources, increases social capital and decreases anti-immigrant anxieties. Some Americans believe that English dominance is threatened by immigrants’ unwillingness to learn and different values; therefore, that threat increases anxieties.
Approximately, 91.4% of Cuban immigrants speaks only English or is bilingual and speaks English very well while the average for the foreign-born population is 37.4%. High levels of English proficiency among the Cuban immigrant population debunk stereotypes of low English proficiency in all Latino/Hispanic populations. English proficiency among Cubans may be a result of the CAA programs, English being taught in Cuba and media. Supplementary data is needed on the age demographics of Cubans during early Cuban immigration to infer the reasons for high levels of English proficiency. Surveys demonstrate that immigrant children learn English faster than adults. The National Academies Press states that bilingualism indicates higher education outcomes, a factor that is not seen among Cuban immigrants. Low levels of English proficiency among the foreign-born population may be a result of decrease funding of English language classes, foreign-language media, and discrimination. According to the National Academies Press, Latino/Hispanics have lower English proficiency skills compared to other immigrant groups. Latino/Hispanics make up 45% of the foreign-born, which may indicate why there is a low English proficiency percentage. In the United States, the majority of immigrants speak Spanish. Spanish media such as Univision and Telemundo, contribute to immigrant incorporation into the United States. Spanish media can either increase “ethnic isolation” or “promote social mobility” through civic and political engagement (M.C. Waters and M.G. Pineau 315). Cubans approximately make up 6.21% of the total foreign-born Hispanic/Latino population. Further data on the country composition of the total foreign-born Latino/Hispanic population is needed to understand how English proficiency differs among populations, which either debunks or reinforces stereotypes of Latino/Hispanic English assimilation.
The ACS data suggests that the societal incorporation of Cuban immigrants moderately successful. Cubans have access to programs that help financially and educationally. They have high levels of English proficiency and low levels of academic achievement compared to the foreign-born population. There may be a discrepancy on the effectiveness of the programs associated with the CAA when it pertains to providing educational opportunities to Cuban immigrants.
Economic Opportunity
Employment
Approximately, 3.3% of Cuban immigrants are unemployed compared to 3.6% and 4.0% of the average for foreign-born and native-born populations, respectively. Cuban immigrants are comparably less educated than the total foreign-born and native-born populations in the United States, which supports the National Academies Press statement that there is higher employment “among the least educated immigrants” due to a high demand for low skilled labor in the economy (M.C. Waters and M.G. Pineau 266). There needs to be data that breaks down the ethnic groups and gender to understand the unemployment distribution among foreign-born populations. According to the National Academies Press, data shows that foreign-born male employment rate is higher than both native-born and foreign-born female employment rates. High unemployment rates among native-born residents may occur due to the unwillingness to work in the secondary labor sector and its association with poverty. Therefore, according to the Dual Labor Market Theory, there is a permanent structural demand for immigrant labor in secondary labor markets (D.S. Massey et al.). The lower unemployment percentage among the Cuban-born population reinforces immigrant stereotypes because the native-born has a higher unemployment percentage, which suggests there may be anti-immigrant sentiment of immigrants stealing jobs (J. Preston).
Earnings
The median household income for Cuban immigrant families is $37,969 (average household size: 2.93), lower than the average for all immigrant households in the United States ($51,482, average number of workers per household: 1.53, average household size: 3.35) and native-born residents ($56,458, average number of workers per household: 1.19, average household size: 2.53). The data regarding Cuban immigrant families is surprising because a majority of Cuban immigrants are naturalized citizens and have high levels of English proficiency, which is an indicator for increased economic opportunity. Furthermore, a majority of Cuban immigrants entered the U.S. before 2000 and have possibly resided in the U.S for over 15 years, which is an indicator of earnings growth. Also, the CAA provides financial assistance to Cuban immigrants to help them be economically integrated into American society.
The Cuban immigrant data contradicts observations of how naturalization and length of residency are correlated with earnings growth. The median household earning for immigrant households is higher compared to Cuban immigrants. The data continues to challenge observations because only 37.4% of the total immigrant population is proficient in English, which is significantly lower than Cuban immigrants. It is possible that Cubans have lower earning due to discrimination and academic disadvantages of Latino/Hispanic. Also, Cuban immigrants income may be low because of the skin “color stratification in U.S. labor markets.” If “Cuban people” is typed into a search engine, images of brown-skinned people are shown. Other factors for low median household income include kinship ties. Immigrant communities tend to be in economically disadvantaged areas where schools are “inadequately funded,” housing is cheaper, and the availability of low skilled jobs (M.C. Waters and M.G. Pineau 228).
Approximately, 33.1% Cuban immigrants are on food stamps compared to the average of 16.1% and 12.3% for all foreign-born and native-born populations, respectively. A higher percentage of Cuban immigrants’ on food stamps is anticipated due to CAA programs. LPR’s and naturalized citizens are eligible for food stamps. The low median household income and high percentage of Cuban immigrants on food stamps reinforces stereotypes of immigrants by providing data the reveals that immigrants are poorer and receive more welfare benefits.
Poverty
The poverty rate considers the family size. The Office of Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation published the poverty income threshold in 2015 for a 3-person household is $20,090, for a four-person household is $24,50 and for a single household $11,700. Hispanic/Latino immigrants experience higher poverty rates compared to the total foreign-born population. Furthermore, children and adults experience higher poverty rates. In 2013, 32.1% of Hispanic/Latino immigrants were either in poverty or deep poverty. The poverty rate for Cuban immigrant families (average family size: 3.49) is 15.7%, lower than the average for all immigrant families (16.2%, average family size: 3.83) but higher than native-born residents (9.4%, average family size: 3.15). The poverty rate measures the distribution around the median household income. The foreign-born population may have a higher poverty rate because the average family size is larger than Cuban-born and native-born and there may be more of color stratifications among the foreign-born population. While the poverty rate for Cuban immigrants is slightly lower than the foreign-born population, it is comparable higher than the native-born population, which indicates that immigrant stereotypes on immigrant poverty may be reinforced.
There are many discrepancies when using poverty rates to analyze immigrant economic integration. The “official poverty measure” does not account for geography, government assistance (i.e. food stamps), cost-of-living, and consumption patterns (M.C. Waters and M.G. Pineau 290). It does not recognize the difficulties of immigrant populations that “do not have access to government resources” (M.C. Waters and M.G. Pineau 292).
Conclusion
The data analysis of the 2015 American Community Survey 1-year estimates has overall revealed that Cuban immigrants reinforces popular stereotypes that exist about the incorporation of immigrants in the United States. While Cuban immigrants have comparably high naturalization English proficiency percentages compared to the total foreign-born population, Cuban immigrants are not fully incorporated socially or economically in the United States. Factors that may contribute to Cuban immigrants lack of incorporation include kinship, color stratification, discrimination, anti-immigrant sentiment, media, access to resources, and the use of public benefits through the CAA.
Further studies need to be done on Cuban immigration based on gender, age, and income distribution and compared to the Hispanic/Latino immigrant population to fully understand integration in the United States. Most likely, Cubans are more accepted into American society compared to other Hispanic/Latino population due to the U.S. political agenda (anti-castro, anti-communism). The distribution of immigrant groups in the foreign-born population is heavily weighted on white people (47.0%). Other surveys need to be considered in this research paper that evaluate attitudes towards Cuban immigrants and Cuban immigrant views of themselves.