Introduction
Throughout traditional China, men have been glorified solely because they were men. Additionally, Chinese men were expected to follow stereotypical behaviors of male superiority, commonly referred to as hypermasculinity. But to what extent does hypermasculinity affect gender and family roles in Chinese culture? If Chinese men decided to behave and act against these beliefs, it resulted in these males being presented as feminine and therefore seen as weak. These ideals were brought on by Confucian teachings that were passed on throughout many generations, proving toxic to the development of Chinese culture, as well as, pernicious to relationships created between men and women. More specifically, hypermasculinity has impacted the roles in gender and family in Chinese culture by setting patriarchal standards for Chinese men to follow, thus influencing their social behaviors and mental state.
Impact of Traditional Views on Gender on Chinese Men’s Social Behavior
Firstly, traditional views on gender have impacted Chinese men’s social behaviors through positions of power and assimilation to Western ideals and Chinese expectations. For instance, men’s desire for higher positions of power have challenged the ways they have interacted amongst each other and amongst women competitors. In particular, people have “[associated] masculinity with economic success” (Newsom) which indicates how men are continuously striving to reach the top of the economic ladder, so they could be labeled a man. Specifically, for Chinese men, “financial success [was] considered more important in a male than a sinewy body and handsome face” (Davis 308). However, it proves toxic because these “[men continue to build their] sense of masculinity based on power or possessions”, but “there’s always going to be someone that has more” (Newsom). In other words, these men will constantly look for more ways to gain power and retain their status as a man. Additionally, positions of power include the domination over women. Due to “men’s duties [being seen] as superior”, Chinese philosophy “[attached] great importance to hierarchical gender roles” and therefore “advocated that males always dominate females” (Shen, D’Ambrosio 27-28). Not only were they seen as dominate, but they also viewed themselves as “guardians…of their women” (Louie, Low 6) highlighting the superiority complex Chinese men had.These beliefs stemmed from Confucian ideals which viewed Chinese women as being “inferior to men” (Davis 308), as well as, “patriarchal social institutions, interactions, and practices that [limited] each sex to [specifically characterized] feminine and masculine activities” (Chua, Fujino 392) such as “men [being] largely in charge of external affairs” (Shen, D’Ambrosio 20). Furthermore, traditional China forced women to “obey three men in her life: her father…her husband…and her son…” (Davis 308). This portrays the extent to which women were controlled by men throughout their life and the extent to which men had power over women.
Likewise, assimilating to Western ideals and Chinese expectations impacted Chinese men’s social behavior. “Historically, racialized immigration policies, labor practices, and media images” assisted in transforming and “[regulating] previous Asian- American masculinities”, in addition to, “[affecting] present forms of these masculinities” (Chua, Fujino 393). For Chinese boys who grew up in Western culture, whether they were native-born or immigrants, they were forced to conform to Western ideals of masculinity, as well as, traditional Chinese expectations brought on by their family. Essentially, it is common for boys in America to be taught that people “associate masculinity with athletic ability” (Newsom). In places like school, “boys [would engage] in more physically and mentally demanding tasks” in order to prove that they were not of the “quiet and artistic nature” like their “counterpart sex” (Davis 308). This also illustrates how sports like football became a place to “project this facade” of manhood and project “the epitome of what it means to be a man in [Western] culture” (Newsom). In addition to athletic ability, Chinese men were required to hide their emotions from others. Even in their earliest stages of manhood, a common phrase was embedded in their memory: “be a man” which “perpetuated standards for masculinity” (Newsom). Instead of crying, young boys were taught to “lock down [their] emotions” (Newsom). They were “not encouraged to talk about any kind of pain with anyone else” or else they would be “seen as weak”, even though most of these males wanted to express their feelings (Newsom).
Chinese men further sculpted their own masculinities by straying away from things perceived as feminine. If boys saw other boys as less masculine, they tended to push themselves away from them in order to not be associated with that sort of femininity. For example, subjects in school such as theatre, music, or debate were considered “not masculine enough” and therefore boys were reluctant in participating in such activities (Newsom). If boys were to participate, they would be ridiculed and mocked. This shows the negative connotation behind non-sports related subjects portrayed towards men, especially Chinese men who conformed to the many aspects of Chinese masculinity including physical strength and family roles. Chinese men did not just stray away from femininity in school, but also in careers. Throughout children’s literature, Chinese men were expected to have “more challenging jobs” like “being a scientist” in comparison to what was expected of a woman like “being a caretaker” (Davis 308). These literatures provided subliminal messages for Chinese boys in order for them to realize from when they were young, what career they were expected to have. In turn, these careers were a reflection of traditional Chinese masculinity that was “constructed to be threatening and disempowering in relations to white employers and to the larger [United States’] society (Chua, Fujino 394).
Impact of Traditional Views on Gender on Chinese Men’s Mental State
Secondly, traditional views on gender impacted Chinese men’s mental state through feelings of self-worth and value, as well as, their beliefs towards women. As these boys mature and do not meet “masculine expectations”, it proves pernicious because they feel like they are not good enough to qualify as a man. Feelings of worthlessness would arise due to “not being able to succeed in being bigger, stronger, [and] faster” (Newsom). These feelings would coincide with these men’s “[insecurities] and low self-worth” (Newsom). Masculinity also affected Chinese men’s self-worth through their constant need of validation. The “dominant [or western] society” (Chua, Fujino 394) had high expectations for men and especially viewed Chinese men as “perpetual outsiders, foreigners, or different” (Chua, Fujino 394), so these men believed that if they could “manifest hypermasculinity…it would validate who and what [they were]” (Newsom). Young Chinese men that were constantly trying to prove how masculine they were eventually projected those ideals onto others. If most of these males were ever perceived as weak, they would correlate that with having no respect, control, or power; these facets is what is believed to constitute masculinity, therefore these men continuously aimed to authenticate their maleness.
Chinese men’s traditional beliefs towards women further influenced their mentality because they saw women as lower and they followed principles of yin and yang and wen and wu. To specify, “women such as Zhu Yingtai who tried to [gain] recognition” did so by “[dressing] as men” (Louie, Low 4). It was only then when they would be honored for their “civil service examinations” and accomplishments (Louie, Low 4). In the military, women warriors like Mulan “had to conceal her femininity while she took part in…exploits (Louie, Low 4)”. Mulan, the movie, shows the high expectations for men to provide safety for their nation and people (Ma, Dong). It displays how Mulan needed to conform to patriarchal maleness such as straight posture, accurate aim and precision, strength, and fondness over girls, to be able to join the army and be acknowledged for her her contributions to the military (Ma, Dong). Overall, instances such as these only glorify men over women and only value accomplishments if done by males.
The principles of yin and yang “[remained] a key factor for comprehending Chinese conceptions of gender” (Shen, D’Ambrosio 7) because men were “equated…with yang” (Shen, D’Ambrosio 20) while women, “femininity and virility” (Davis 307-308) were equated with yin. Being associated with yang was positive and meant being “[linked] with superiority, motion, and firmness” (Shen, D’Ambrosio 20), whereas corresponding to yin was negative (Davis 307-308). Therefore, men continuously invalidated women and their distinctive characteristics. With wen and wu, men believed that “in order to achieve the ideals of masculinity in China correctly”, they had to have the “[capability] of [harnessing] wu power through military strength [and] restrained wu” (Louie, Low 5). These ideals affected both women and men because “it [was] only used for men” and “women’s wen or wu achievements [were only recognized] if they publicly [demonstrated] that they [were] men, however superficially or transiently” (Louie, Low 4-5). It affected Chinese men’s mentality because “it has been a masculinity ideal throughout Chinese history” where they greatly pursued becoming the “perfect [man]” by “having both wen and wu” (Louie, Low 4) and added to beliefs that women were not worthy enough to “[encompass this] dichotomy between cultural and martial accomplishments”, as well as, “mental and physical attainments” (Louie, Low 4).
Impact of Traditional Views on Family on Chinese Men’s Social Behavior
Traditional views on family shaped Chinese men’s social behavior through men’s superiority to women in the household and status hypergamy. For example, husbands have been regarded as superior to their wives. In spousal relationships, men were “expected to dominate their wives in a somewhat disrespectful manner” so that they can “display their own ethical cultivation” (Shen, D’Ambrosio 26). Men held this idea that they, as husbands and fathers, “possessed the ultimate authority over all members of their households” (Brownell, Wasserstrom 6). Even when “outside the home”, Chinese Philosophy claims that “husbands [were] supposed to lead the way and that the wife should follow” (Shen, D’Ambrosio 21). Husbands were not the only ones that retained higher power over women; sons were also superior over mothers. The patriarchy allowed sons to still hold a higher title than their mothers and were respected more. If women “[do not produce a son]”, they are “denied the full status of [their] gender” (Brownell, Wasserstrom 6), deeming sons more valuable and of more importance than their own mothers. Sons were also considered being the only child of worth, thus resulting in the common act of killing daughters in traditional China. They “[determined whether or not a person’s life is valued” based on a “biological criterion” (Brownell, Wasserstrom 5). Sons were reassured as being “permanent members of their natal family”, so they “[retained] life-time financial relationships with their parents” (Xie 3). Killing daughters was “rooted in patrilineal residence traditions and the endurance of linear structures organized around fathers and sons” (Brownell, Wasserstrom 5), portraying how “urban [China continued] to publicly value sons over daughters” (Davis 625).
Status hypergamy changed the way these men behaved socially because it was the “tendency of women to marry men of [a] higher social status” (Xie 5). Therefore, Chinese men pushed to become economically and financially successful to meet these expectations. Status hypergamy, however, made marriage difficult for men of lower status and women of intelligence (Xie 6). Since “husbands [bore] the breadwinner role, Chinese men did not find “financial prospects in a potential spouse” important and “[tended] to look for younger women”(Qian 1339). Also, women “[had] strong incentives to marry men who [were] financially stable, typically older and highly educated” (qtd. Raymo and Iwasawa 2005) in order to “achieve high living standards”(Qian 1341). For men, this meant that they had to progress further economically in order to fit this narrative and become the idealistic Chinese man. This put lower-classed and uneducated men at a disadvantage and contributed to the standards that defined what men were and what men ought to be. Likewise, highly educated women “ [were] commonly criticized as “selfish,” “non-feminine,” and “irresponsible to household needs,”(qtd. Zuo and Bian 2001).With these ideals, it motivated men to interact and form relationships with women who were less educated and women who made these males seem more masculine. Moreover, it is apparent that “educational attainment is positively associated with [men], but negatively associated with [women]” (Qian 1341).
Impact of Traditional Views on Family on Chinese Men’s Mental State
Chinese men’s mental state was shaped by traditional views on family through heterosexist beliefs and less affection being shown. A prime example of heterosexist beliefs being expressed is through the model minority myth. The model minority myth sets the expectations for what it meant to be an Asian. All Asians were presumed to “instill proper work and moral values” (Chua, Fujino 395) based on the actions of the more well-known and accepted Asian ethnicities like the Chinese ethnicity. However, within this Chinese subcategory, these people still experienced pressure to conform and behave like the “highly self-reliant, economically successful, and politically non-resisting”(Chua, Fujino 395) people others viewed them as. These ideals are toxic to these men’s mental state because they were built upon “sexist and heterosexist notions” which forced males to be a “good provider” and an “economically responsible father [placed] as the head of household” (Chua, Fujino 395).
Also, Confucian indoctrination reflected heterosexist beliefs; it “played a role in Chinese women being inferior to men” (Davis 308). Confucius was considered a “potent symbol for sustaining Chinese notions of the ideal gentlemen” (Louie, Low 5), which made males strive to fit this perception in its entirety. These men were made to believe that Chinese masculinity revolved more around being capable of being in control and having respect than just having “mere brawn” (Louie, Low 5).These values, known as face, were more important to virility for them than having muscles (Davis 308). This is especially evident in the household where husbands and fathers were made to be in power and respected because they were considered the most intelligent and the most worthy of gaining respect due to how much they provide for the family. Although, if they solely dependent on one characteristic or the other, they would “never fulfill the ideals of Confucian masculinity” (Louie, Low 5), thus deeming them unmasculine. Generally speaking though, “patriarchal social institutions, interactions, and practices” such as Confucian indoctrination “[limited] each sex to those characteristics and activities defined as feminine and masculine” (Chua, Fujino 392). Even as Confucianism was deemed the “mainstay of the Asian values responsible for economic prosperity” (Louie, Low 5), it reveals how Confucian, a man, was honorable enough to impact Asian communities as so, therefore, allowing men to follow his ideals in hopes to gain the same achievements.
Additionally, less affection being shown molded these men’s mental state through the intolerance of emotional indulgence from fathers and the lack of comfort when crying. In general, fathers in China believed in stern discipline and that their role was not to “promote dependency” (Davis 635). They only focused on “demanding [more tasks from] their sons than their daughters” (Davis 626). This portrayed not only how the sons were trying to mirror patriarchal standards, but also how these father figures emulated these principles that have set expectations for Chinese men to be less soft-hearted towards their sons. The reason behind not providing comfort and emotional support to sons is because the “articulation of that sentiment was restrained by their traditional parenting role and its expectations” (Davis 625). In the son’s perspective, by not receiving any solace, it forced them to “toughen up” and to lack the ability to express emotions fully later on, whether it be to their families or in relationships.
Difference Between Contemporary and Traditional Views on Gender
In comparison to traditional views, contemporary views on gender resulted in a more fluid portrayal of men and women. The increase in femininity helped with the fluidity of this viewpoint. For instance, women’s achievements are now acknowledged. Likewise, soft-masculinity is cherished and looked at in a more pleasing manner. Even though masculinity that is “displayed through cultural or literary engagement” (Louie, Low 41) is seen as soft, many Chinese “fiction writers and playwrights [considered it helpful] for self-identification” (Louie, Low 6). These men who were more focused on intelligence and literacy appeared weak in Western cultures, however, they were viewed as desirable in Chinese culture (Louie, Low 6). Also, in Westernized cultures, homosexuality is depicted as ineffectively displaying masculinity and being homophobic supposedly made men appear tougher, but “militant homophobia is not a prerequisite for proof of masculinity in China” (Louie, Low 6). This means that no matter the level of masculinity a person displays or what others believe they display, it was appreciated in recent Chinese culture.
The rise in femininity is also evident through the increase of opportunities for androgyny. In Contemporary China, they have accepted “men wearing long hair and women short”, as well as, “men [dressing] like women and women like men”, which displays the Chinese people’s efforts to pull away from hypermasculinity (Davis 308). Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey Hey hey hey hey hey hey hey
Conclusion
Furthermore, traditional Chinese views on gender and family has had revelatory effects on Chinese men. This is evident through their social behaviors and their mentality. However, as time progresses, contemporary China has seen a rise in change from the ideals of toxic hypermasculinity that has tainted many past generations of Chinese men to more inclusive, open-minded, and feminine beliefs. Despite these beliefs though, there have been viewpoints towards the emasculation of Chinese men as opposed to hypermasculinization.