Introduction
Civil Wars are a defining event in a country’s history. The Chinese Civil War is no different. It was a turning point for the country, because it marked the establishment of what is now known as the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The PRC was founded by the civil war victor, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). At the time, the chairman of the PRC was Mao Zedong. Mao’s hope was to reconstruct China within the framework of what he defined as, ‘New Democracy’. Inspired by Marxism and Leninism, the New Democracy movement, argued that the road to socialism must be paved by the coalition of classes (Best, Hanhimäki, Maiolo, & Schulze, 2015). In order to reconstruct China, social change was necessary. Consequently, Mao famously made gender equality a top priority of the new socialist agenda. This is evident in his famous epigram, “Women hold up half the sky” (Yifei, 2016). Thus, despite his shortcomings, Mao is often praised as a champion of gender equality. Best et al. (2015), authors of the textbook, International History of the Twentieth Century and Beyond, endorse this mainstream narrative. However, considering that contemporary Chinese women’s “equality with men is still far from secure” (Attané, 2015, p.5), this paper questions this narrative. While a vast amount of literature concerning gender equality throughout Chinese history is extensive, there lacks a consensus as to whether Mao’s approach and implantation of gender equality was actually positive or negative for women (Hershatter and Zheng, 2008). Thus, inspiring this paper to analysis the role of gender equality during Mao’s regime. Analyzing the implementation of gender equality throughout the entirety of Mao’s China would exceed the limits of this paper. Therefore, this paper analyzes the extent to which gender equality was achieve during two distinct movements during Mao’s Regime, namely, the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. Based on research, this paper argues that gender equality was conceptualized differently during the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, but nevertheless neither movements realized full gender equality. However, despite the failures to achieve gender equality, both movements contributed to the emancipation in one way or another.
The paper is organized in the following manner. The first section briefly addresses gender equality before Mao’s regime in order to understand the status of women’s in China before Mao. The second section focuses on the gender equality narrative of Mao, paying particular attention to the concept of State Feminism. The third section discusses gender equality in the Great Leap Forward, and consequently the fourth section discusses gender equality in the Cultural Revolution. Lastly, the conclusion is devoted to the contributions of both movements to gender equality, despite the failures.
Gender Equality Before Mao
The oppression of women before Mao came into power was largely due to Confucianism, which dominated millenniums of China’s history. The Confucian system is inherently patriarchal because central to its ideology is the belief that males are the superior sex. This belief stems from the concepts of yin and yang and their relation to masculinity and femininity. According to Confucianism, yin represents everything that is “negative, passive, weak, and destructive” (Hong, 2005, p.4). In opposition to the yin, yang represents all that is “positive, active, strong, and constructive” (Hong, 2005, p.4) in the world. It was believed that all women embody yin characteristics and all men embody yang characteristics. This was accepted as a natural fact (Hong, 2005). While it is believed that both yin and yang are necessary for the existence of harmony, the belief that women represent the yin ultimately justified their subjugation because in order for harmony to exist women had to remain in the “domain of yin” (Hong, 2005, p.4). If women were to move beyond such domain, disharmony would result. Existing in the realm of yin meant that women were primarily limited to the private domestic sphere. This was ensured by the painful practice of foot binding.
Literally constraining women’s freedom of movement also limited their participation in public life. Their lack of participation in the public realm meant that women did not hold the right to receive an education and were forbidden from entering the workforce (Yifei, 2008). Women did not even have control over the household domain to which they were confined to. They had no agency. Arranged marriages were customary, and whether their partner was desired or not, women were expected to obey their husbands (Leung, 2003). A woman was defined by her absolute obedience to both her husband and her domestic duties (Leung, 2003). Furthermore, despite the women’s natal family paying a dowry to the husband’s family, women were not afforded the right to property or inheritance (Leung, 2003). Chinese women were undeniably oppressed within traditional Confucian society.
Mao’s Gender Equality Ideology
“A man in China is usually subjected to three systems of authority (political authority, clan authority, and religious authority). As for women, in addition to being dominated by these three authorities, the men (the authority of the husband) also dominate them. These four authorities—political, clan, religious and masculine—are the embodiment of the whole feudal-patriarchal system and ideology, and are the four thick ropes binding the Chinese people—particularly the peasants”
– Mao Zedong
(Tung, n.d.)
When the CCP acquired political power after the Civil War, large scale reconfiguration of the previously dominated Confucian society was set in motion. Mao’s ideological position on female emancipation was at the spearhead of this reconfiguration. His ideology was inspired by the Marxist notion that society is a struggle between classes for power and dominance (Leung, 2003). The quote above captures Mao’s objective; he believed that in order for a radical change in China to take place, women too must be freed from male dominance and participate in the public sphere. Mao’s ideology was translated into what is known an ‘State Feminism’, which is essentially a state-sponsored female emancipation movement (Zheng, 2005; Leung, 2003). Mao essentially sought to rebuild China into a state in which women were treated as equal (Leung, 2003).
Gender Equality in the Great Leap Forward
Nurseries, kindergartens, tailor shops,
You don’t do the cooking,
Or feed the pigs the slops,
Machines make the clothing
And grind the flour.
When you give birth to a baby
It’s cared for every hour.
Freed from household drudgery,
Let’s produce more by the day,
And drive ahead to communism,
It isn’t far away!
(China Pictorial, 1958)
The Great Leap Forward was a movement, conceived by Mao, and launched by the CCP in 1958; it lasted for approximately three years. It pushed for rapid growth through large-scale infrastructure developments, intensive farming in order to increase agricultural surplus, and efforts to industrialize China (Best et al., 2015). Two concepts, industrialization and collectivization, played a significant role in the movement. Firstly, Mao knew that China had to industrialize in order to develop and rival capitalist economies. Secondly, in line with communist thought, private ownership of land was eliminated; peasants and farmers were uprooted and forced into ‘people’s communes’, thus, collectivization. Industrialization and collectivization were not mutually exclusive because agriculture work was necessary for the resources required for industrialization (Xiaocian & Ma, 2006).
In order for the project’s goal of an industrialized and centralized economy to be reached, women were mobilized and took over a large share of the agricultural field work (Manning, 2006). As women were being sent into the fields, men were primarily required to work on industrial projects (Manning, 2006). Considering that women’s lives were previously confined to household duties, social welfare services were provided in order alleviate household burdens. These services included programs such as dining halls, laundries, and childcare, which existed in the people’s communes (Manning, 2006; Leader, 1973). The discourse surrounding such programs is illustrated in the poem at the beginning of this section. The poem encourages women to embrace the freedom from domestic duties and engage in the Great Leap Forward movement.
For the first time in Chinese history, large amounts of able-bodied women entered the workforce (Leader, 1973). While this time period saw large scale mobilization of women, they mostly entered the agricultural sector, which was revolutionary because it had previously been dominated by men (Xiaocian & Ma, 2006). Furthermore, through the system of ‘work points’, women had the opportunity to receive the same pay as their male counterparts (Xiaocian & Ma, 2006). Pay was not based on gender, but was based on quality and quantity.
Women’s entrance into the workforce is perhaps the most profound move towards gender equality during the Great Leap Forward. However, it arguably did not eradicate inequalities between men and women. Firstly, the work points system deemed certain work more valuable than others. For example, individuals working in the industry sector gained more work points then individuals working in the agricultural sector (Xiaocian & Ma, 2006). As previously discussed, women were primarily mobilized in agriculture and men in industry. Thus, while women were able to receive equal pay in their sector, there was still an overall discrepancy between men and women wages (Xiaocian & Ma, 2006). Furthermore, gendered discourses emerged out of the new work arrangement. Industry work was seen as men’s work and agricultural work was seen as better suited for women, thus perpetuating the belief that men are the more worthy and respectable sex (Xiaocian & Ma, 2006).
In addition to changes in employment, women in politics also played a role in the Great Leap Forward. In particular, the All-China Women’s Federation (ACWF) served as a means of “mobilizing women’s participation” in the movement (Zheng, 2006, p. 915). The ACWF was essentially a product of State Feminism. With the support of the government, the ACWF set up women’s local organizations nationwide (Zheng, 2006). The ACWF was important in pushing for gender equality in the Great Leap forward because it gave women a platform to advocate for reforms. However, the ACWF’s push for gender equality did not come without struggles. There was tension among CCP members and ACWF members, because of how both prioritized female liberation. While female liberation was the main motivation for ACWF, the CCP saw it as secondary to eliminating class struggle (Zheng, 2006). The CCP simply tolerated the existence of the ACWF because it legitimized the socialist mission and helped mobilize women to participate (Zheng, 2006). In order to survive in the male dominated political realm, the ACWF had no option, especially since it was sponsored by the state, but to ultimately comply to the agenda of the CCP, which placed class struggle above women’s struggle.
The Great Leap Forward can be credited for making great strides in regard to getting women into the workforce, but it arguably was not done in the name of gender equality. Due to new inequalities women experienced in the workforce, women were arguably not liberated by the end of the Great Leap Forward (Leader, 1973). Rather, the CCP “freed [women] from household drudgery” (China Pictorial, 1958) only for their utility (Zheng, 2006). Fundamentally, the dream of the Great Leap Forward was not possible without half of China’s tremendous population. It is evident that women’s interests and pursuit of true gender equality could not have survived if it was not exploited by the larger goal of Mao’s Great Leap Forward.
Gender Equality in the Cultural Revolution
“Whatever men comrades can accomplish, women comrades can too”
– Mao Zedong
(Zhang and Liu, 2015)
The Great Leap Forward is accepted as a failure because the movement in itself was a sufficient cause of the Great Chinese Famine. Mao lost his political influence because of the movement’s tragic end (Best et al., 2015). While out of the spotlight, Mao believed the CCP to be turning towards a revisionist direction because of the new moderate leaders, Lio Shaoqi and Bend Xiaoping (Best et al., 2015). This new direction was a direct attack to the socialist revolution. Thus, Mao mobilized students, and encouraged them to challenge capitalists, including CCP officials, and reignite the socialist revolutionary spirit the in the hopes of reclaiming his authority (Best et al., 2015). This movement, known as the Cultural Revolution, was initiated in 1966 and officially ended one year after Mao’s death in 1976. Just as the Great Leap Forward, Mao’s Cultural Revolution was a failure. It was violent and ultimately led to anarchy, however, pursuits of gender equality continued throughout the turmoil.
In the spirit of the revolution, gender was reconstructed (Leung, 2003). During the Great Leap Forward, there was a gendered division of labor; women in the field, men in the factory. During the Cultural Revolution, women were perceived to be just as capable as men. Women were once again called upon, and they answered, this time “positioned anew as both producers and political activists” (Leung, 2003, p.366). ‘Iron Girls’ became a symbol across the nation, representing the newly reconstructed concept of gender equality (Zhand & Liu, 2015). The following description perfectly captures the characterization of Iron Girls:
“They are always very strong, with short hair, broad shoulders and dark skin. They spoke very loudly and often wore blue overalls. They did not care about their looks and hated to talk about topics such as love, marriage, family and other personal issues” (Zhang and Liu, 2015, p.88).
The Iron Girls were the ideal revolutionaries. They were also the ideal role model for women at the time (Yihong, Manning, & Chu, 2006). Women were encouraged and even expected to pull the same weight as men during the uprising of the Cultural Revolution. During this time, women not only worked farmland, but they also engaged in heavy industries, hence the use of the word ‘iron’ (Zhang and Liu, 2015). For the first-time large numbers of women were entering such sectors. Consequently, various women’s work groups were established such as the ‘Nvzi Caiyoudui’ (Women Oil Extracting Crew) and the ‘Sanba Daidian Zuoyeban’ (Sanba Electrical In-charge Working Group), and even praised by the government (Zhang and Liu, 2015). Since women were characterized as ‘strong’, they were seen as capable of work typically performed by men. Women transgressed previous gender divisions in the workforce.
The Iron Girls played a crucial role during the Cultural Revolution, not only in the workforce. For the first time, all women were called upon to participate in politics by criticizing the path of the government, which Mao deemed at leaning towards capitalism. Thus, the Iron Girls represented a departure from the kind of gender equality sought during the Great Leap Forward, because women were also mobilized for political reasons (Yihong, Manning, & Chu, 2006). It was believed that if women were not criticizing and engaging in political issues, they did not support their own liberation (Zhang and Liu, 2015).
The Iron Girls were perhaps the most influential means used by the government to promote gender equality. Women were encouraged and supported by Mao’s CCP. However, deeper analysis reveals that the new role of women during the Cultural Revolution did not equate to gender equality. Instead, femininity was subordinated to masculinity. The ideal version of women, as captured by the quote characterizing the Iron Girls, suggests that women were expected to forget their womanhood and adopt manhood. In essence, women “won gender equality at the cost of degenderization” (Zhang and Liu, 2015, p.91). Expecting women to adopt masculine traits suggests that masculinity was valued more than femininity, thus gender inequality was still very much alive.
Conclusion
Considering gender equality in both the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, it appears that the extent to which gender equality was achieve under Mao’s direction is not black and white. The Great Leap Forward made great strides in getting women out of the household and into the workforce. This transition was revolutionary considering the status of women before Mao came into power. However, as discussed, there was a prominent division of gender in the workforce, with women mostly dominating the agricultural sector and men dominating the industry sector. Furthermore, while women and men could theoretically earn an equal wage, higher wages were given in the industry sectors, since they were seen as more important for the modernization project. As a consequence, a wage gap occurred between women and men. Secondly, in pursuit of gender equality, the woman’s organization, All-China Women’s Federation was established. However, a deeper inquiry reveals that the ACWF was unable to prioritize their own goals, such as women’s health. In reality, the ACWF had to comply to the CCP’s goals. Thus, gender equality was used to pursue for the sake of Mao’s modernization dream, not for the sake of women’s liberation (Yihong, Manning, & Chu, 2006).
An understanding of gender equality during the Cultural Revolution reveals a similar trend. Women were mobilized for the sake of the state’s goals. However, as discussed, the discourse of gender equality dramatically changed during the Cultural Revolution. Gender was essentially conceptualized. Women and men were seen as the same. This new conception of gender was embodied through the Iron Girls. However, gender equality was not achieved because gender differences were not acknowledged. Instead, femininity was subordinated, and ultimately hoped to be eradicated. Women and especially Iron Girls “appeared primarily because of the needs of industrialization and were the product of a special political ideology” (Zhang and Liu, 2015, p.93).
During both the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, Mao’s CCP proclaimed to advocate for gender equality, but in reality, women’s liberation was used as a mask to serve Mao and his socialist dream. Thus, it can be concluded that Mao should not be proclaimed as an advocator of gender equality. However, this conclusion is not so simplistic. While it can be said with confidence that gender equality was not achieve in either the Great Leap Forward or the Cultural Revolution, radical changes were made. Most prominently, unprecedented number of women entering the workforce during the Great Leap Forward. Their emergence in the workforce was not genuinely done in the name of gender equality, but it arguably undid centuries of gender roles in a matter of three years. Furthermore, while the Cultural Revolution had the opposite effect of gender equality, by eliminating femininity all together, however, it did have an impact on contemporary feminism in China.
Modern-day feminist organizations in China today reject the gender uniformity discourse and instead recognize differences among sexes (Yifei, 2008; Leung, 2003). This recognition is essential because it has both led to the appreciation of women, and is necessary when it comes to implementing policies (Leung, 2003). Furthermore, contemporary feminist organizations can learn from the two movements and the influence of State Feminism. To ensure gender equality, women’s rights and their agenda should be led by women themselves, not by the central government.