The aim of this experiment is to propose a model and mechanism of understanding patterns of gatekeeping in heterosexual couples that develop during pregnancy and the evolution of those behaviors throughout the child’s development. The relationship between gatekeeping behaviors is measured in four waves: Wave 1 spans from the second trimester of pregnancy through age four, Wave 2 includes age four through age ten, Wave 3 includes age ten through age fifteen, and Wave 4 includes age fifteen through twenty. In each wave, the data was collected from the sample through a couple interview, individual parent interviews, child interview (when applicable), and an interview with the entire family. The sample includes 400 families, consisting of heterosexual couples who have been in a relationship for a minimum of two years, are first-time parents, and are in a dually-employed household. The hypothesis of the experiment is that families with higher gatekeeping tendencies in pregnancy will experience persistence of gatekeeping behavior throughout the child’s development.
Introduction
Gatekeeping
Gatekeeping as an influence in the dynamic of family relationships is a model that has been analyzed and interpreted in a variety of research studies and mechanisms of inquiry. A broad definition of patterns considered “gatekeeping” includes behaviors of one parent that limits the involvement and influence of the other parent. Oftentimes, this pattern of control is associated with mothers as being the gatekeeping figure. Allen and Hawkins examine this idea through a 3-dimensional framework surrounding the social construct of gender as impacting behaviors that are exclusionary to father figures and place more accountability on the shoulders of the mother (1999). These behaviors include a hesitancy of the maternal figure to resign responsibility over the family unit through a rigid implementation of rules, the seeking of validation of the “mother identity” through external sources, and a concept that separates the family.
The researchers utilized a confirmatory factor analysis which analyzed maternal patterns enforcing standards and responsibility, maternal role confirmation , and differentiated family roles. The researchers found that these examined behaviors severely limit fathers’ opportunities for involvement, thus reinforcing maternal gatekeeping patterns and creating potential discouragement of collaborative family behaviors (Allen & Hawkins, 1999).
The study found overall that 21% of mothers are “gatekeepers,” which was defined as doing more family-related work with less equally-divided responsibilities. This was tested with a factor analysis that clustered mothers as either gatekeepers, intermediates, or collaborators. The three factors tested reluctance of the mother to resign responsibility through rigid rule-implementation, external validation of maternal identity, and separate conceptualization of the family. All were positively correlated, meaning a higher frequency of one type of behavior was associated with higher frequencies of the other two types of behavior as well (Allen & Hawkins, 1999).
While the Allen and Hawkins model examined mothers’ behavior, maternal gatekeeping also has a huge impact on behavior of fathers within the family unit. Both positive and negative father behavior has a corresponding effect on the family as a whole (Makusha & Richter, 2014). In “Gatekeeping and its Impact on Father Involvement,” researchers identified primary factors impacting the involvement of the father figure. These included maternal behavior and attitudes, cultural context, and inter-parental relationships. The researchers found that much of maternal gatekeeping behavior in relation to childcare and housework originates from a desire to validate the culturally constructed “mother identity.” However, this cultural gatekeeping hugely influences fathers’ effort and involvement. The researchers propose solution strategies that encourage both fathers and mothers to foster and encourage paternal involvement, building on family systems theory and Townsend’s idea of fatherhood as a “package deal.” Additionally, the distinction of intention behind maternal behaviors must be either protective or preventative, all depending on the quality of relationship between the mother and father. For example, a mother preventing contact between a child and an abusive father is engaging in protective, rather than preventative, behavior. Overall, the two different types of behavior have large impacts on the quality of relationship with the father and the child. The researchers proposed that paternal engagement will be more motivated when encouraged by both fathers and mothers, which requires an accommodating flexibility in cultural norms and their interpretations by individuals.
The influence of cultural standards on parental distinction of roles can also be analyzed in the context of ambivalent sexism, as observed by Gaunt and Pinho in their study, “Do Sexist Mothers Change More Diapers? Ambivalent Sexism, Maternal Gatekeeping, and the Division of Childcare” (2017). The researchers analyzed maternal gatekeeping as a mediator, resulting from the cultural gendering of the division of childcare responsibilities. Many of these behaviors are a result of ambivalent sexism, however hostile sexist attitudes were also found to be present and significant. When attitudes around the gendering of responsibilities were hostile, families experienced more gatekeeping. Additionally, there was an indirect impact of the ideas towards task-gendering on the amount of time (in hours) mothers invested into childcare related behaviors, as well as division of tasks. This study emphasizes the importance of understanding sexism– ambivalent or otherwise– in everyday behavior and the potential of these behaviors to reinforce the gendered family structure. Because high levels of gendering lead to increased gatekeeping, the impact of gendering within the family dynamic can be restrictive and detrimental to parental involvement. The reinforcement of the constructed family structure impacts social processes, the mechanisms of which are an area of ongoing study. The researchers in this study attempted to correlate ideology to behavior to provide a basis of understanding and connection for further research. Overall, the conclusion of the study, though, found that increased ambivalent sexism resulted in higher frequencies of gatekeeping behaviors, or excluding levels of paternal involvement. The measures of these sexist behaviors can be utilized for future study, as gatekeeping is only one facet of the manifestation of task-gendering at work in the family unit.
In addition to preconceived notions regarding gendered family roles, marital problems can also influence maternal gatekeeping that impacts father-child relationships. Fabricus et al. examine this effect during a child’s adolescent years (2014). The researchers analyzed gatekeeping as a mediator between marital problems and father-child relationships across three waves when the child was in grades 7-10. The study found that increased marital problem behaviors from mothers at Wave 1 were predictive of increased gatekeeping patterns at Wave 2, which decreased father-child interaction at Wave 3. In each stage, decreased interaction between parents and the child (regardless of sex) led to the child’s perception that they mattered less to the parent. Additionally, father-adolescent interaction at Wave 2 positively predicted boys’ perception of the amount they mattered to fathers at Wave 3. Similarly, positive mother-daughter interaction at Wave 2 was positively predictive of girls’ perception that they mattered to mothers at Wave 3. The researchers found no difference in this interaction between biological fathers versus step-fathers, or between European American and Mexican American parents, providing ideas applicable to a wide variety of families.
The study further stated that mothers have a vital role in fathers’ functioning and its vulnerability to marital problems, due to maternal gatekeeping behaviors. This association explains the effects of increased mothers’ marital problem behaviors on a measured decrease in father-child interaction behaviors. The relationship between marital problems from mothers and their gatekeeping of father-child interactions were not influenced by the gender of the child, family structure, or ethnicity. This leads to the idea that maternal gatekeeping has adverse effects across families, regardless of those factors (Fabricus et. al, 2014).
Additionally, among many of the families, researchers found that adolescents strongly value interactions with their parents. This relationship was especially strong with same-sex parent-child dynamics when the value of the interaction was perceived as “mattering” to the parents. This suggests a direct connection between fathers’ marital issue behaviors and a child’s decreased perception of mattering to the father. (Fabricus et. al, 2014).
Before a child reaches adolescence, parental behavior can be predictive of gatekeeping within the transition to parenthood period (Schoppe-Sullivan et al, 2015). Schoppe-Sullivan et al. identified predictors of maternal gatekeeping at the time the couple was transitioning to parenthood. The families filled out questionnaires at various points in this shift to identify gatekeeping behavior, as well as the perspectives of the gate-closers (parents who engage in higher-restriction gatekeeping behaviors towards their partner). The study found that mothers tend to perform gate-closing behaviors when they hold higher expectations of perfect fatherhood for their partner, as well as a higher frequency of these behaviors when maternal psychological functioning is lower, the relationship with the partner is perceived as unstable, and when the mother felt a higher level of parenting self-efficacy. In contrast, mothers with strong religious affiliations engaged in more gate-opening patterns and fathers who had a perceived lower level of self-efficacy tended to garner more gate-closing behavior. The primary conclusion of the study is that mothers who have high expectations and low psychological functioning engage in more gatekeeping, and that fathers’ behaviors are less predictive of gatekeeping functioning than mothers’.
Furthermore, the career-orientation of the dual-earning parental figures impacts the behaviors of maternal and paternal gatekeeping, as analyzed by Radcliffe and Cassell (2015). The study looked at the influence of work flexibility on the daily experiences of work-family conflict for families with child dependents in which both parents work. The work-family conflicts are observed and resolved differently, depending on which parent is the “flexible worker.” This difference is linked with gender, which greatly influences gatekeeping behaviors that impact the daily experience and resolution of the conflict between work and family responsibilities.
The study found that when mothers have greater work flexibility, they take and hold more familial responsibility which increases the perceived pressure to adequately fulfill the maternal role. Additionally, women in this position did not acknowledge the inequity as a problem or an unexpected dynamic. Fathers in this context were not overall aware of the daily work-family conflict experienced by the maternal figures, which created a disparity in decision-making behavior to resolve the conflict. The fathers were unable to work to address and alleviate the burden of the mothers because the women did not tend to communicate or share their burden with their partners. The mothers also reported taking responsibility for family obligations even when their partner was available to help, implying a maternal reluctance to share control and responsibility of the home domain. This phenomenon could arise from a high societal expectation of the maternal role, leading to high levels of criticism in women’s self-conceptualization as mothers (Radcliffe & Cassell, 2015).
In contrast, when men held more flexible jobs, the women engaged in high levels of resolution of the work-family conflict. Mothers and fathers tended to hold a more equal role in addressing males’ work-family conflicts and dividing family responsibility based on that dynamic. Additionally, females reported higher activity engaging in family and household responsibilities, even when their job flexibility was lower than their partners’. This study provides data suggesting that women’s gatekeeping behavior persists even when situationally unnecessary, perhaps because of the exceptionally demanding perception of women within the prescribed social maternal ideal (Radcliffe & Cassel, 2015).
Additional research, however, has looked to expand the definition and understanding of gatekeeping as a complex interaction of behaviors in which a mother influences father-child interactions with control, restrictive, and facilitative behavioral patterns on a consistent basis (Puhlman & Pasley, 2013). The study “Rethinking Maternal Gatekeeping” utilizes this expanded conceptualization to analyze gatekeeping across three dimensions: control, encouragement, and discouragement. The results found patterns of behavior that can be categorized into eight types of gatekeepers, further labeled as exercising polarized or ambivalent patterns. The categories include: “traditional gate blockers”, those with high control and discouragement, low encouragement (polarized); “passive gate snubbers”, who had high discouragement, low encouragement and control (polarized); “facilitative gate openers”, which exercised high control and encouragement, low discouragement (polarized); “passive gate welcomer”, who expressed high encouragement, low control and discouragement (polarized); “confused gate manager”, which had high control, encouragement, and discouragement (ambivalent); “apathetic gate managers”, with high control, low encouragement and discouragement (ambivalent); “opinionated gate watchers”, who utilized high encouragement and discouragement, low control (ambivalent); and “invisible gate ignorers”, who exercised low control, encouragement, discouragement (ambivalent).
Within each of these types, the researchers acknowledge that gatekeeping behaviors and patterns will evolve over time and adapt to circumstances. Overall, though, the study found that the gatekeeping dynamic tended to be reciprocal. Both parents’ behaviors towards one another will impact the others’ reactive behaviors. Therefore, high levels of gatekeeping from one parent will elicit high levels of reaction from the other. This theory applies not only to maternal gatekeeping, but paternal gatekeeping behaviors as well. The researchers state that, while the phenomenon may manifest itself in different behaviors between mothers and fathers, the same dynamic is at work in both paternal and maternal gatekeeping patterns. This fluctuation can continuously flow between partners throughout the parental process (Puhlman & Pasley, 2013).
Transition to Parenthood and Parental Behaviors in Child Development
The transition to parenthood is a difficult, stressful process for many couples, and this factor largely influences the family dynamic as it evolves throughout the child’s development. Moreno-Rosset et. al. examine the impact of anxiety and psychological wellbeing in partners preparing to making this transition (2015). The study examined anxiety levels of expecting couples in four categories: those not trying to get pregnant, those infertile and not pregnant, those infertile and pregnant, those who had a natural pregnancy, and those who were fertile with children. The researchers found the highest anxiety level among infertile couples who became pregnant and the lowest levels among those who became pregnant naturally, supporting the idea that anxiety levels may influence the possibility of achieving pregnancy. Furthermore, the researchers determined that psychological wellbeing changes in the transition to parenthood and the period after, typically stabilizing between 12 and 18 months after the birth of the new child.
The couple’s relationship satisfaction throughout this process is hugely impacted by their experiences before encountering fertility and becoming pregnant. Infertile couples who achieved pregnancy had higher couple wellbeing levels pre-pregnancy than the group who had a natural pregnancy. This correlation could be a result of the psychologically and emotionally strenuous process of attempting to become pregnant through measures beyond natural conception, which would provide a couple with opportunities to refine communication, conflict resolution, and partner-support behaviors. Overall, the couples that conceived through assisted reproductive treatments had higher prenatal functioning, which then influenced their post-natal functioning as well. In general, though, all couples experience a decline in relationship quality when a new baby first enters the dynamic, but the overall effect of this change is influenced by the couple’s functioning, including anxiety levels and psychological well-being. The conclusion of this study enforces that the timing of the transition to parenthood, in relation to psychological health, is extremely important (Moreno-Rosset et al, 2015)
Furthermore, the change that occurs during this transition can be anticipated by analyzing various predictors, as examined by Trillingsgaard et. al. in their study, “Predictors of Change in Relationship Satisfaction during the Transition to Parenthood” (2014). The researchers examined predictors in the shift in relationship satisfaction within the vulnerability-stress-adaptation model, which posited the impact of symptoms of depression and anxiety in pregnancy, shorter relationship length, and lower amounts of constructive communication as being indicative of stronger declines in relationship satisfaction during the critical transition period. This model tested the type of stress-inducing episodes, the couple members’ vulnerability levels, and the quality of the process of adaptation in stressful contexts. The study found attachment theory indicators in the prenatal period to be indicative of post-birth relationship satisfaction. Couples who had a strong relationship dynamic before the child also tended to have high satisfaction throughout the transition as well (the vulnerability aspect of the model). Additionally, postpartum stressors were found to be correlated to the circumstances under which the pregnancy was achieved, as well as characteristics of the infant itself. Couples who had a dynamic in the prenatal period that would have otherwise separated were prevented from splitting in the early postnatal period by engaging in parenthood, especially found in unmarried couples who experienced higher relationship dissatisfaction.
The results of this research indicate that depression and anxiety factors in pregnancy serve as vulnerability elements, which can lead to higher relationship dissatisfaction over time. Furthermore, short relationship duration acts as a stressor to the relationship throughout the transition, and low constructive communication behavior acts as a poor adaptation factor within the couple. The study did not support any significant interaction between the vulnerability factor and adaptation factor nor a relationship between the stress factor and adaptation factor in predicting the fluctuation of relationship satisfaction. Overall, this study provides an additive (not interactive) understanding of the impact of prenatal behaviors in predicting relationship satisfaction. However, the research did support the previous idea that indicators of strong relationship behaviors before the transition to parenthood have positive impacts throughout the transitory period and beyond (Trillingsgaard, 2014).
In addition to relationship behaviors in the prenatal phase, paternal involvement in child-wellbeing patterns serves as a predictor for long-term behaviors, as analyzed by Zvara et. al. in their study, “ Fathers’ Involvement in Child Health Care: Associations with Prenatal Involvement, Parents’ Beliefs, and Maternal Gatekeeping” (2013). The researchers examined the relationship between prenatal involvement, beliefs surrounding gender roles, maternal gatekeeping, and father-child involvement. The study found that prenatal father-child involvement was associated with direct father-child interaction in health care, as well as being predictive of paternal influence in child-health related decision making. Prenatal father involvement was categorized by the researchers as including behaviors such as: financial support, transportation and help with housework, role and physical presence at birth, attendance at doctors’ visits, etc. Fathers reported feeling more significant in the child-health decision-making process when encouraged by their maternal partners to engage in child rearing behaviors, as well as when the gender-role beliefs of mothers were less traditional. Furthermore, fathers felt lesser influence in decision making when mothers engaged in gate-closing patterns.
Indicators of long-term relationships in the prenatal period included: fathers’ prenatal involvement, mothers’ beliefs, and gatekeeping influence in fathers’ growth into parenthood during the transition. Additionally, the researchers accounted for the families’ socioeconomic standings, as well as the work hours of each parent. Although engaging in child-health decisions in the prenatal phase is strongly correlated to positive family dynamics long-term, not all fathers have the priilege of being able to carve out the time to attend doctor’s visits. The appointments have lots of potential for family bonding, partner connection, and conceptualization of the future child, but a demanding or fragile job situation may be more immediately or intensely demanding, depending on the family’s socioeconomic status and security (Zvara et al, 2013).
Long-term, the behaviors of both fathers and mothers in the critical prenatal period can have lasting effects on the overall parental relationship satisfaction longitudinally (Theiss et al, 2013). This study builds on the relationship turbulence model, examining levels of relational uncertainty and partner interference. The magnitudes and fluctuation of these factors over time was monitored and connected to account for changes in relationship satisfaction in early stages of parenthood. The researchers used multilevel modeling to analyze both the amount and magnitude of relationship uncertainty and partner interference to observe a negative connection to relationship satisfaction, when considered distinctly. A higher increase in variables proved to be a strong predictor of relationship satisfaction. As mentioned earlier, first-time parenthood is nearly always a huge stressor to romantic relationships, and the change often results in a slight satisfaction decline in the early stages, due to ecological and personality variables. This study considered the length of relationship, self-uncertainty, partner-uncertainty, relationship-uncertainty, and partner-influence to understand and monitor the interactions among these variables long-term, through many stages of child development.
Throughout child-development, the relationship between parent and child will be strongly influenced by the interparental dynamic. O’Mara and Schrodt examine this idea in their study, “Negative Parental Disclosures as Mediators of Coparental Communication and Relational Outcomes in Parent-Child Relationships” (2017).These researchers analyzed the connection between interparental communication (either supportive or antagonistic), negative disclosures, and impact on parent-child relationships (closeness, satisfaction, etc). The study found that parents providing negative disclosures to children mediated connections between coparental communication behaviors and its impact on parent-child relationships. The indirect impact of this coparental communication was identified through maternal negative disclosures and mother-child closeness, but not for satisfaction. Additionally, the same effect was observed for father-child closeness and the satisfaction of the child with father. These results emphasize disclosure as a reasonable explanation for the connection between communication behaviors within the parental unit and the quality of parent-child relationships. This relationship could be connected to child use of parental interactions as a model for observation. For example, a child who sees their parents interacting will implement similar behaviors when interacting with others, including their parents.
Methods
Sample
The sample utilized for this experiment includes 400 families, consisting of heterosexual couples who have been in a relationship for a minimum of two years, are first-time parents, and are in a dually-employed household. The sample will be recruited by advertising in parental-preparation courses, to attract and analyze couples already putting forth time, energy, and effort to create a solid family and relationship dynamic. Each couple will be paid $80/interview or $160 annually across 20.5 years. The rationale in choosing this specific sample is to be able to build on pre-existing research.
Utilizing heterosexual couples will provide data surrounding maternal gatekeeping with justification in biological authority. Couples– heterosexual or otherwise– who experience the transition to parenthood via non-natural means (i.e. adoption, surrogacy, etc) do not have the ability to claim deeper knowledge, understanding, or skill because of a biological connection. Natural-conception couples, on the other hand, may experience different types of gatekeeping because the mothers are so physically connected to the children. This study will include mothers who have undergone fertility treatments (as well as those who have not), but the biological mother must be the one carrying the child to be eligible for participation.
Including couples who have been together for a minimum of two years works to eliminate outliers of couples just beginning to navigate conflict resolution, partner understanding, and effective communication. For the purposes of this study, marriage is not a necessary qualification, but a detail that will be measured and accounted for in the results. Additionally, exclusively examining first-time parents is a constraint that aims to eliminate outliers caused by parents who have already navigated the initial transition to parenthood and the strain it places on the couple, which can create increased gatekeeping behaviors.
Finally, examining dually-employed households will allow for observation of gatekeeping in a more equal setting, in which both parents have obligations outside of the household and must juggle a work-life balance. Throughout the duration of the study, changes in the parental work commitments will be monitored and compared to account for time-investment disparities in the home environment. Additionally, socioeconomic fluctuations will be recorded and monitored to account for external stress on the family unit.
Procedures
The relationship between gatekeeping behaviors will be measured in four waves: Wave 1 spans from the second trimester of pregnancy through age four, Wave 2 includes age four through age ten, Wave 3 includes age ten through age fifteen, and Wave 4 includes age fifteen through twenty. In each wave, data will be collected from the sample through interviews of the couple, each individual parent, the child (when applicable), and the family as a whole. Within each wave, bi-annual interviews will be conducted.
The breakdown of child-age is meant to categorize phases of the child’s life, and, therefore, the family dynamic. In each phase, monitoring of gatekeeping will focus primarily on time spent at home, observed gatekeeping behaviors, and perceived gatekeeping behaviors. In the individual couple interviews, the results and data of each partner will be compared to the others’ response, as well as the collective response.
Additionally, as the child goes through development, their opinions and responses will provide insight into behaviors the parents are either unaware of or attempting to conceal. The nature and verbiage of the questions for the children will be adjusted to be most efficient for the various stages of development, but will be essentially the same.
In each wave, the questions in each of the individual partner interviews will investigate: self-identified gatekeeping behaviors, observed partner gatekeeping behaviors, anticipated partner response, ideal family-commitment level, actual family-commitment level (both for self and partner), overall couple relationship satisfaction, anticipated partner response, overall parent-child relationship satisfaction, anticipated child response. The results of the interviews will then be quantified and cross-analyzed for each wave, as well as longitudinally. The questions will be the same for the child, with modifications in regards to the couple-dynamic question (the child will be asked to describe the perceived parental relationship quality).
Measures
Within this longitudinal study, each of the variables will be assessed on an individual, as well as interactive basis. In the participant interviews, researchers will evaluate themes within the response (frequency of affirming language, physiological indicators of stress and honesty, overall body language and demeanor assessment) and assign quantitative variables to the interview results. Immediately before and after each interview (individual and collective), participants will complete a short survey indicating changes since the last interview, authenticity of interview responses, and overall family and couple relationship quality assessment, rating each factor from a scale of 1 (poor) to 10 (amazing). The results of the self-report measure and interview assessment will then be compared, and the means between the data sets will be used for statistical analysis.
Statistical Tests of Hypothesis
The following model will be used for analysis, and a crossed-lagged model will be utilized to perform statistical analysis.
In each wave, the model will be repeated for individuals, compared to the collective, and recorded. Over time, as proposed in the hypothesis, it is thought that there will be a strong correlation between high levels of gatekeeping behaviors in Wave 1 as indicating similar trends in later waves. Studying the statistical relationships between variables long term will produce strong results regarding the potential relationship between early levels of gatekeeping and their evolution throughout the child’s development.
This study has implications in the observation and improvement of gatekeeping prevention in improving parental relationship satisfaction and therefore improving the family dynamic throughout the child’s development. When indicators and predictors of detrimental gatekeeping behavior can be identified in early stages of the transition to parenthood, improvement in communication and behavioral patterns can be implemented to better serve the family and couple unit.
Other factors that will be important to note include major changes to the family dynamic, such as birth of subsequent children, parental job changes, extended family events, family health, etc. Additionally, further study surrounding same-sex couples, as well as couples who transition to parenthood via means such as adoption will be significant in the mode of inquiry relating to predictors and stressors of gatekeeping behavior long-term.