As early as the Revolutionary War, there has been evidence to suggest the role of women in the United States military and war eras has be significant. During the Revolutionary war era, women served as cooks, launderers, and nurses while others took a more active role. Many of these women served as spies, directly under George Washington (Jeffreys, 2007). Examples of women who disguised themselves as men to serve as infantry include Elizabeth Newcom and Deborah Sampson. Newcom, known during the war as Bill Newcom, served in the Missouri Volunteer Infantry (Armor, 1996). Sampson, who identified as Robert Shurtleff, served for up to 17 months and worked her way into a General rank. Women played similar roles during the Civil War: spies, cooks, nurses, and launderers. Another woman who disguised herself as a service member during this time was Mary Edward Walker. She became the first woman to be awarded the Medal of Honor (Jeffreys, 2007).
Women became officially recognized in the US military with the creation of the Army Nurse Corp and the Navy Nurse Corp in the early 20th century. The number of women who served in official non-combat positions rose to more than 400,000 during WWI and WWII (Jeffreys, 2007). In addition to nurses, women also were officially recognized as mechanics, pilots, and clerks. During both World Wars, more than 400 women died in the line of duty. Further recognition came when Congress passed the Women’s Armed Services Integration Act in 1948. This declaration allowed women to serve in the military permanently, without the need for war to be actively occurring (Armor, 1996).
During both the Korean and Vietnam War, women predominantly still served as nurses; however, in 1972, Elizabeth Barrett became the first woman to hold a command position in a combat zone. In 1976, four of the five military service academies accepted women to train. In 1978, female sailors and Marines were approved to serve on non-combat Navy ships for the first time (Armor, 1996). In 1990, during Desert Storm, Congress declared servicewomen could operate on combat ships and fly in combat missions; however, in 1994, the Department of Defense excluded women from combat units. This decree was not reversed until 2013 (Jeffreys, 2007).
Between 1991 and 1993, over 41,000 females deployed and in 1994, women began to climb the ranks in the Air Force, Navy, Army, and the Army National Guard. The Navy revoked its policy against women serving on submarines in 2010, and one year later, female officers deployed on a submarine for the first time (Armor, 1996). Since 2015, women have graduated from Ranger school, joined the infantry Marines, and lead a unified combatant command. In 2016, the Department of Defense opened all combat jobs to women.
During this turbulent history, both men and woman have chosen to voluntarily join our country’s military in order to willingly defend the United States from internal and external attacks. Although there can be many different reasons for joining the military, be they patriotic, economic, educational, or personal, etc., it is certain that individuals undergo a major transformation because of the unique experiences they are involved in. Many make this sacrifice with a sense of pride to protect America’s freedoms. However, there is a need to understand the differences in treatment among genders as the number of female officers continues to grow.
Masculine features, like strength, courage, and honor, have epitomized Western military characteristics for centuries. Historically, men who refused to or could not serve in combat were viewed as feminine, and subsequently, could even be punished by wearing dresses. Also, duties which were perceived as less manly were viewed as shameful in the past. Contemporary training for military service reinforce these masculine features through the use of boot camps. Men and women who want to become soldiers must undergo a strenuous basic training, which promotes both physical and mental strength (Carreiras, 2010).
Commonly, men have been pressed to personify the masculine features associated with the military. On the contrary, women have been seen as nurturers and caregivers. The idea that women have not played active roles in war times, and were only helpful on the home front, has been widely accepted historically. During war eras, women have been dehumanized and associated as “spoils of war.” This notion has been carried out by the sexual assault and rape of many women in ancient history during Biblical times, the Romans and Greeks, and many other cultures until present day. These sexual assaults and rapes were perceived as more of an injury to the woman’s male counterpart rather than the woman herself, feeding the view that women were just property (Carreiras, 2010).
Mission types vary widely in the military and can bring about different views about gender based on the goals, training, and interactions relevant to the mission (Carreiras, 2010). In particular, peace-keeping missions are extremely important in understanding gender differences in the military. Missions involving goodwill bring about very different types of personalities than traditional offensive missions. Historically, they have drawn a connection between the traditional notion of women and peace, and men and war. An example of this link is the “peace” women of 1980’s. These women would chain themselves to fences outside nuclear bases, dance on missile silos, and jump into convoy jeeps as they passed by to influence military debate (Stiehm, 1996). These types of women groups became of interest to the United States armed forces and government, namely the CIA, because they were perceived as having no ties to their homeland and vulnerable to other nations peace campaigns These traditional notions of women and peace, and men and war have serious pitfalls which ignore the influence men have made in peace movements and the long history of desertion by men in the military (Carreiras, 2010).
This view has been largely scrutinized through the rise of feminism, and the perspective of women as property has basically been abandoned. Women have more rights and equality now than ever before. However, the military has been slow to revitalize their attributes of masculinity. Gendered bias still plays a role in the United States military culture. First, as previously discussed, characteristics of the military fall in line with the philosophy of hegemonic masculinity. Second, the military’s hierarchical divisions and sexual division of labor grounds the military’s structural organization in gender differences. Certain jobs within the military have been barred from female service members and the frequency of women in ranked positions are much less than men. Lastly, the overall number of women in the military is much smaller than men. This is especially true in contracts which are viewed as essential and leading to higher ranks (Stiehm, 1996).
The previous gendered bias within the military has been making a slow change since the 1970’s (Carreiras, 2010). This transformation has been seen as a revolution within, and threat to the military. Some have even envisioned the integration of women in the military as a change rivaling the introduction of nuclear weapons. In the present era, an argument can be made that women no longer play a peripheral role in military operations. The integration of large numbers of women in the armed forces has effected the masculine view of the military and has created changes in the definitions of femininity and masculinity within the military itself.
Because of this, some military branches have been more inclusive of both genders which, in turn, created a gendered hierarchical structure within the armed forces. The technological advances made within the military has been stated as a hypothesis for this tendency (Carreiras, 2010). One study suggests that male combat soldiers use excessive masculinity to compensate for their mediocre technological skills. Because of this inflated sense of masculinity in combat units, their view of women in the military is skewed. There are different forms of masculinities present within the current military structure. Examples include forceful but subordinate or dominate but methodical (Jeffreys, 2007). Current military operations do not reflect the traditional masculine hero standards. Due to technology and the increase in support roles, many soldiers in the armed forces are no longer warriors in the traditional sense. Since the 1990’s, military operations have become highly technical, as is the infantry trade itself. Traditional gun-toting soldiers have moved to the minority, while unmanned systems and robots continue to gain traction in military missions. Because of this, little objections can be raised in part about the inclusion of female service members, so long as they are skilled with the technology employed by the armed forces (Stiehm, 1996).
These links between men and war and women and peace have created the traditional notion that women have contributed little to military operations, which we have seen through the rich United States history as a false conclusion (Carreiras, 2010). The change in militarized operations and the increase in technological devices leads little argument to be made against including women in the armed forces. The role of the United States has become to look more like mediators between warring nations than their traditional role as primary combatant. Although these changes have led to the inclusion of women in the current armed forces, there are still problems present. First, women still face the perspective that they do not hold their weight in certain units, like artillery or gunnery units. Second, the veteran population has been plagued by mental health disorders, and women are not exempt from these symptoms. Lastly, the violence women face is not all brought on by the enemy. Many women face sexual violence by their peers and command while oversees and in basic training (Stiehm, 1996).
Even after 9/11, and to this day, some members of the armed forces perceive that women in the military do not do any heavy lifting, while the men do all the hard and difficult jobs (Carreiras, 2010). Artillery and nuclear jobs have typically been the ones associated the most promotion, which has made women face a bias toward “lesser” jobs with an unlikelihood of being promoted. This is called a glass ceiling in the corporate world, but can be applied in the military as well. Because of the changes being made to the military operations, as discussed earlier in the report, both male and female officers are having to be well versed in a range of skills. This will, in turn, change the traditional view of men as heavy lifters and thus, being first in line for promotion. As discussed with the increase in the use of technology and peace keeping operations, military operations are changing and untraditional skills are being valued more than ever. Women will have a place in the new style of military in the United States (Carreiras, 2010).
There are many research studies done to prove the impact war has on the mental psyche of soldiers. Throughout this paper, the term veteran will be used to describe any man or woman who has served in the United States armed forces, regardless of deployment, branch, or length of service (Stacer & Solinas-Saunders, 2015). Research suggests that veterans face many problems (e.g. drug and alcohol addiction, entry into jail or prison, trouble finding jobs, homelessness, etc.) that are often tied directly to their service (Fontana & Rosenheck, 2005; Sederer, 2011; Teachman, 2007). In a study conducted by the United States Army on mental health, one in eight soldiers who served in Iraq reported symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) while less than half of them sought help (Associated Press, June 30, 2004).
Although awareness for mental health has certainly improved since the Vietnam era, much is still unknown by the population about symptoms and the frequency. This knowledge can be empowering and should be taught to a population such as veterans, where the likelihood of developing mental health disorders is high. This could, potentially, increase their likelihood to seek help, although other barriers may be at work. Numerous veterans have enlisted in, and been discharged from, the military during the OIF/OEF era. Even now, many these soldiers are stationed overseas. According to the National Council on Disability (2009), over 1.6 million military service men and women have deployed to both Iraq and Afghanistan in response to OIF/OEF. Furthermore, over 565,000 have deployed more than once. Recent military procedures in Iraq and Afghanistan represent the longest ground combat operations involving American forces since the Vietnam era. Although Vietnam and Korea are thought to be among the bloodiest conflicts for United States military, United States service members who served in the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq faced long and often multiple deployments and a constant risk of injury and death (O’Bryant & Waterhouse, 2007; O’Bryant & Waterhouse, 2008).
As mentioned in a previous section, these tumultuous environments can have a devastating effect on a soldier’s psyche. Some soldiers have deployed several times. Many are exposed to traumatic injury and experiences, and more of the wounded have survived than any previous era (Kang & Hyams, 2005). Depending on military branch and service job, some military personnel experienced high-intensity guerrilla warfare and there was a chronic threat of roadside bombs and improvised explosive devices (IED’s) (Friedman, 2005; National Center for Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (U.S.) & Walter Reed Army Medical Center, 2004). As of April 2018, more than 6,600 soldiers have been killed during OIF and OEF, and nearly 53,000 soldiers have been wounded (https://www.defense.gov/casualty.pdf).
Just as research suggested negative health outcomes for Vietnam veterans, research conducted within the past 15 years on the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan discovered similar findings. Researchers have reported substantial evidence describing negative effects of combat on the mental health of military personnel since 9/11 (Ahern, Worthen, Masters, Lippman, Ozer, & Moos, 2015; Seal, Bertenthal, Miner, Sen, & Marmar, 2007; Teachman, 2011). The National Defense Council (2009) notes that "an estimated 25-40 percent [of returning veterans] have less visible wounds like psychological and neurological injuries associated with PTSD, anxiety, depression, or traumatic brain injury (TBI), which have been dubbed 'signature injuries' of the Iraq War." The number of troops suffering from head injuries (i.e., TBI) caused by combat is just as alarming as other disorders, like PTSD and anxiety. A recent study found that “20% of all frontline infantry troops suffered from concussions during combat” ("Troops risk", 2006).
A research project done by Hoge et al. (2008) found that “15% of the 2,525 army infantry troops surveyed experienced TBI symptoms three to four months after returning to the states”. TBI has also been known to cause symptoms associated with PTSD and anxiety. These symptoms included loss of consciousness, altered mental state, decreased attention, being less motivated, irritability, depression, anxiety, fatigue, headaches, memory loss or disturbance in memory, disrupted sleep, and behavioral problems (Hoge et al., 2008).
In yet another study, approximately 17% of veterans returning from Iraq were diagnosed with a serious mental disorder, two times higher than pre-deployment levels (Hoge et al., 2004). Results from a study done by Seal et al (2007) show that 25% of the OIF/OEF veterans studied received at least one mental illness diagnoses. Of those, 44% received one diagnoses, 29% received two diagnoses, and 27% received three or more diagnoses. Of the 102,632 veterans studied, 13% was diagnosed with PTSD, making it the most common mental disorder diagnoses (Seal et al., 2007).
A crucial part of understanding mental health knowledge among veterans is to combat the growing suicide rate. According to Sederer (2011), the suicide rate among veterans is at a three-decade high. This can be the result of both mental health disorders and a need to relieve the pain these disorders cause. A shocking fact is that more people are dying from suicide than combat among the post 9/11 veteran population (Sederer, 2011).
Just like with the Vietnam veterans, these tumultuous environments and ill effects of the mental health, do not only effect the soldier. Perhaps because of these traumatic experiences, service men and women have said relationships with family members and friends are often disrupted. This, coupled with changes in character by both the service member and their loved ones, often leads to difficulties when it is time to transition (Elbogen, Johnson, Newton, Straits-Troster, Vasterling, Wagner, & Beckham, 2012; Hoge, McGurk, Thomas, Cox, Engel, & Castro, 2008; Milliken, Auchterlonie, & Hoge, 2007; Teachman, 2007). In addition to the conflict with family and friends, the symptoms associated with combat-related injuries can also lead to anti-social behavior that can draw the attention of the police (e.g., drug use, increased aggression), and may result in arrest and incarceration upon homecoming (Freeman & Roca, 2001; Lasko, Gurvits, Kuhne, Orr, & Pitman, 1999; Sherman, Sautter, Jackson, Lyons, & Han, 2006).
Many service women also face additional violence and stress induced by their fellow soldiers and command starting as early as basic training (Carreiras, 2010). More than just the danger associated with traditional military operations, women face “gender-based violence,” a term coined in 1993 meaning “violence against women that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or psychological harm or suffering to women including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivations of liberty, whether occurring in public or private life.” Although this term is broad, gender-based violence occurs in over 15% of service women and usually results in military sexual trauma (MST). MST is defined as “sexual assault or repeated, threatening sexual harassment that occurred while the veteran was in the military.” Women are not the only victims of MST; .7% of males in the military face military sexual trauma.
A recent study conducted with military service women points out that the most difficult type of stress faced by participants was the threat of sexual trauma (Kennedy‐Pipe, 2000). The trauma took on different forms, such as sexual harassment, sexual coercion, and rape. Many participants spoke about how sexual harassment and coercion was often tied to promotion and perceived that women who had been promoted were often assumed to have performed sexual favors. The result of MST for these service women produced ill coping mechanisms and isolation once they transitioned out of the military. Many felt their experiences were not understood by their social support systems which ultimately made them feel unworthy of receiving official treatment by healthcare professionals (Kennedy‐Pipe, 2000).
These women used several strategies when dealing with their trauma: avoidance coping strategies, and cognitive avoidance strategies. This led to a tendency of isolation and overindulging in food, prescription drugs, and exercise. A few women in the study identified positive behavioral coping strategies such as exercise, listening to music, breathing exercise, and joining support groups to talk with other female service members(Kennedy‐Pipe, 2000).
In conclusion, the history for women being included in the United States armed forces has been turbulent and eventful. Women have fought for full inclusion and have nearly won that battle, but the war is still upon them. Women face issues related to sexism, mental health, and sexual violence. Because their experiences are usually minimized, many service women are not receiving the help they need to lead successful lives upon return from the military. Through increased research, it is the hope that the biases and violence against women in the military decreases. This would allow them to serve their country without increased threat just as many of their male counterparts are able to do.