Chapter 1Chapter 2
Crop phenology, refersring to the relationships between the climate variations and periodic events in thedic plant lifecycle event and between climates , plays a key role for understanding plant growth and development, and may increasingly influence on many management practices of agriculture (McMaster GS et al., 2012). Given to the fundamental concept of plant developments of orderly growth stages and predictability, the genetics of The genetics of pplants greatly determines their growth stages and how they plants respond developmentally and the timing of growth stages to limited soil water (McMaster GS et al., 2005). Factors contributing to the development rates of crops include but not limited to thermal time (commonly represented as by growing degree days), water availability, soil nutrients, intensity, and cultivars within species, as well as other environmental variables (McMaster GS et al., 2005). Water supply, one significant environmental factor, can shorten or prolong the developmental phase of plants, further influencing crop phenology (McMaster GS et al., 2011). McMaster GS et al. (2005) presented the shoot apex development sequences of wheat, barley and corn correlated with growth stages for both well-watered and water-limiteding conditions, revealing that water deficits may reduce the durations of developmental stages. Most importantly, water deficitspict affects the yields of crops by through interfering with the fertilization of crops , although the diverse species may differ in their growth stages (Atwell et al., 1999). In the case of winter wheat (Triticum aestivum L.), little effect occurs on the growth stages of jointing and flag leaf appearance however lack of water impacts while increasing influence manifests on the growth stages of heading, anthesis, and physiological maturity (McMaster GS et al., 2005; McMaster and Wilhelm, 2003). In the terms of corn (Zea mays L.), water-limiting condition results in an increase of the anthesis – silking interval through the decrease of synchronization between pollen shed and silking, and further affect the yield (McMaster GS et al., 2005).
Lack of water may have impacted crop production in the past. It is evident that the increasing influence of water deficit has occurred on the production of crops. Due to the importance of water supply for on the agriculture, the development of ancient floodplain civilizations areis usually associated with the need of irrigation management. By analyzing the specific structure of irrigation, artifact assemblages, agricultural production and labor management, much can be learned about the structure of a society. Water supply is therefore crucial for the understanding of past societies and many archaeologists regarded water supply as one pathway to access soci-political complexity. Karl Wittfogel (1955) proposed the conception of "Hydraulic Society", arguing that irrigation, especially large and state-centered irrigation systems, was the single most important causative factor in the development of complex societies. In 1957, Wittforgel later this developed his clear and concise statement in his book, arguingrevealing that hydraulic civilizations-maintained control by controlling the supply of water. Early states in dry land alluvial regions found it necessary or valuable to construct huge irrigation works, and this provided the foundation for power structure and power expansion. Political complexity emerged when powerful members of a society forced smaller weaker social groups to construct large-scale water infrastructure, which promoted the development of agricultural intensification and leaded to the rise of elites. Without doubt, Wittforgel's theories of irrigation and "hydraulic Society" has been widely accepted by many archaeologists. There is little Despite of any evidence of large – scale irrigation system in the Indus River Valley, however many scholars still regarded irrigation systems contributed to the rise of an elite class (Miller, 2006). Nonetheless, Scarborough (2003) held an oppose disagreedviewpoint against with Wittforgel's theories. Scarborough reviewed encompassed six case studies including Harappa and discussed assumed how water managements affected social structure and organization. In contrast to Wittforgel's statements, Scarborough refutedsed the hypothesis that water management was a pathway to promote state power and elite control. He noted that the key to understanding water management lay on the interaction between culture and physical environment, leading to a more complex world where water, resource use and power fit together in many different wayscontexts. On the basis of Scarborough's statement, Miller (2006) went farther, arguing that in some certain the management of agriculture and water supply had restricted the hierarchal y power of state-level political unityes during Harappa period.
Anthropologists and archaeologists have been long aware of the significant role that water supply and management played in the development of early civilizations. The availability of The particle choice of water supply systems may greatly affect the type of crops, the type of arable land, the degree of intensification degree of agriculture and the demand of food productions. Apparently, the questions that whether or Hhow political power became involved in involve in agriculture practices have been are strongly associated with the choices regarding of water supply in archaeology. Water availability has, however, been rarely quantifiedlified.
It must be acknowledged that water supply is much more complex and variable than once assumed.
According to landscape and climate data, Miller (2006) pointed out four possible water supply systems that may have been in use during the time of the Harappan cultural pPhases: "1) riverine inundation; 2) rain-fed; 3) small-scale canal irrigation to extend the inundation; and 4) well or lift irrigation" (pp. 94). For ancient Indus River Valley famers, a multiplicity and complexity of water supply systems were likely employed by famers. However, Unfortunately, the reliable data on the irrigation during the Harappa Phase is quite sparse, limiting our understanding of water supply systems.
The primary goal of this thesis is to apply an analysis to the marobotanical data to access to the rough range of water availability and how water availability varied throughout various Harappa phases. In this thesis, I use the macrobotanical remains and previous paleoclimate research in the upper Indus River valley, attempting to reveal water availability and supply at the site of Harappa and how this water supply varied throughout time. A total over 259 samples were collected in this thesis extending from the 3300 BC (Early Harappa – Period 1A and 1B) to 1700 BC (Late Harappan Phase – Period 5). Since all archaeological seeds were counted and identified to the species if possible, the results are summarized for each of three periods, and provide a ratio of plant remains in a crop assemblage and compare the crop proportions throughout the various periods. Due to the agronomic metric of water requirement of various crops (optical water requirement), the water availability (either from rainfall or from floodplain farming or farming or systems of irrigation) at Harappa site can be qualified. This allows me to indicate the rough range of water availability during various periods of Harappa's and how water availability varied throughout time. Given changes in the respective proportions of Rabi or Kharif crops and their water requirements, I use this data to determine if the inhabitants of the site experienced water stress/deficit during a particular cropping season.
The primary goal of this thesis is to apply an analysis to the marobotanical data to access to the rough range of water availability and how water availability varied throughout various Harappa phases. Another goal is to see if the flooding and rainfall can satisfy the agricultural demand of water during a particular cropping season. Was it possible to grow Rabi or Kharif crops without irrigation systems? Or was extra irrigation necessary for Harappan agriculture during a particular phase? The controversy of the presence of irrigation agriculture in Great Indus River Valley has been never stopped (Fuller and Madella, 2001). The presence/absence of irrigation agriculture is also curial to discuss the labor management and political power involvement in agricultural practices during the Harappan phases.
In this introductory chapter, I have briefly addressed the research objectives, study materials and study methods. I also introduced the environmental setting of Harappa civilization, outlined the Indus civilizations and reviewed the ethnohistorical data of two different cropping regimes in the provinces of Punjab and Sindh.