I am a farmer living in a rural area outside of Dublin. I am Anti-Treaty because some of the freedoms that I have in farming and trading my crops will be removed under the Anglo-Irish Treaty.
The Anti-Treaty IRA hope to remove all remaining British rule from Ireland. Ireland is its own country and Britain should not rule over Ireland in even the slightest way.
After the civil war, many Anti-Treaty members were forced to go underground despite a continued effort for Irish Republicanism. Anti-Treaty were comprised of primarily lower economic and social classes. Rural areas were typically populated with Anti-Treaty citizens. The imprisonment of ant-Treaty citizens after May 1923 led to a great amount of passive bitterness between the rural-urban divide. However, by 1922, the Anti-Treaty IRA was mainly a defensive force, rather than offensive force as seen right after the announcement of the treaty.
As Patrick Pearse said in his speech, Ireland Unfree Shall Never Be At Peace, “[The British] think that they have foreseen everything, think that they have provided against everything, but the fools, the fools, the fools!” I believe that as the owners of our land, we must never let Britain hinder our prosperity.
As stated in the Declaration of Independence of Ireland: “We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible.” My farmland could be seized from the British and it is imperative that as Irish people, we defend our flourishing country.
During the debate on the Treaty that lasted from December 14, 1921 to January 10, 1922, President De Valera stated: “The Treaty was signed in the small hours of the morning after the text—after certain alterations had been made, and we never saw the alterations…it was rushed unfortunately.” It is disappointing that the treaty that affected all Irish people was rushed. On the same day of the debate, Mr. Sean McGarry speaks to this: “We have a responsibility to the public that elected us without question.” Those in the cabinet who are for the Irish people are the ones that will ultimately bring absolute freedom to Ireland. Mr. Sean McGarry is one of those and it is our job as anti-treaty citizens to elect the officials that are actually hoping to build a stronger Ireland: one that is resilient to foreign threat.
As stated in the 18th article of the Treaty:
“If Before the expiration of said month, an address is presented to His Majesty by both Houses of the Parliament of Northern ireland to that effect, the powers of the Parliament and Government of the Irish Free State shall no longer extend to Northern Ireland, and the provisions of the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, (including those related to the Council of Ireland) shall so far as they relate to Northern Ireland, continue to be of full force and effect, and this instrument shall have effect subject to the necessary modifications.”
As a farmer in the rural areas surrounding Dublin, the treaty is a threat. While violence may end, I am fearful that the success of farmers around Ireland will deteriorate in terms of the treaty. Irish land should not be controlled by Great Britain. Farmers deserve the land that Ireland has to offer. The expansion of farmland leads to robust economic growth throughout Ireland; if Great Britain seizes Northern Ireland, our economy will be at risk.
The Home Rule Act of 1914 was passed by the Parliament of the United Kingdom for Ireland. Its primary purpose was to allow self-government within the United Kingdom. It was the United Kingdom’s third bill concerning the Irish Home Rule movement.
John Redmond was the leader of the Home Rule party that aimed to end Westminster’s authority in Ireland. Redmond was born in 1856 and had a Jesuit-based education. The Irish Parliamentary Party was founded in 1882. In 1890, the Irish Parliamentary Party split into two factions and faced a tremendous threat from new organizations such as the new nationalism party which appealed to young groups. The Irish Parliamentary Party lost support as other groups emerged.
Besides the north-east region of Ireland, there was little established industry throughout the 19th century. Trade unions were primarily comprised of skilled workers from British organizations. With the rise of nationalist movements focussing on political change, the working class was neglected. In Dublin in 1911, seventy-five percent of the workforce were unskilled and unable to form working unions. Decaying tenements housed one-third of the city’s families: illnesses led to increased death rates. In 1906, James Larkin became the general organizer of British-based National Union of Dock Labourers. In 1908, Larkin prioritized the employment of the citizens of Dublin to his Union. Later in 1908, Larkin created a new union whose focus was the mobilization of Dublin’s laborers: the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union. By 1913, it was the largest union in Ireland with over 10,000 members. Larkin’s newly formed trade union became known as “Larkinism.” In 1913, at the height of his career, Larkin decided to break the Dublin United Tramway Company which was owned by William Martin Murphy—a conservative nationalist. In response, Murphy demanded that all Dublin United Tramways Company workers disassociate from Larkin’s workers union. Violent strikes and disputes between 20,000 employees and the police took place in September of 1913.
James Connolly was born in Edinburgh, Scotland on June 5, 1868. As a leading participant in the East Rising, Connolly was a Marxist union leader and revolutionary who fought against British Rule. When he lived in New York City from 1903 to 1910, Connolly formed the Industrial Workers of the World. Later in 1912, he and James Larkin established the Irish Labour Party at Clonmel, County Tipperary. Connolly helped conduct strikes in support of various labor disputes. In response to the Dublin lockout of 1913, Connolly became commander of a Citizen Army in order to protect workers’ rights. Once World War I broke out in August 1914, Connolly became the head of Union while Larkin was in the United States. Connolly’s primary goal was to help the Irish labour movement oppose the Allied war effort. Connolly's militancy threat to the Irish Republican Brotherhood resulted in a cooperative agreement between the two groups. Following the agreement, revolutionaries seized the Irish republic-controlled General Post Office on Easter Monday. As a result, Connolly was sentenced to death as British forces extinguished the rising. Connolly’s sentence was carried out on May 12, 1916, when he was shot by a firing squad in a seated position. Since his death, Connolly has been granted the iconic status as both a Republican hero and the founding father of militant Irish socialism.
Larkin hoped that the members of the Irish Transport and General Workers Union would adopt his syndicalist tactics and use strike to overrule crucial concessions from employers. Almost immediately after the establishment of Larkin’s union, William Martin Murphy, as leader of the Dublin Employers’ Federation, resisted the advance of new unionism. Murphy said that he had no objection to ‘a legitimate union’ but that he wouldn’t stand for them to ‘ally themselves with disreputable organizations or become Larkin’s tools’.
The Irish Citizen Army (ICA) was created to ensure the safety of workers. However, during the Lockout, the ICA’s presence led to a far more dangerous environment as the police infiltrated the area.
The Easter Rebellion of 1916 occurred on Monday, April 24, and was led by Irish nationalists hoping to start a rebellion against the British government in Ireland. Irish and British troops fought at various key buildings throughout Dublin. As a farmer far from the powers of parliament, it is the responsibility of the people who are affected by the treaty to fight against the British in order to achieve the Ireland that we all deserve—free from British rule.