Introduction:
This dissertation will focus upon the political force of anti-establishment conservatism and how it contributed to transforming the state of North Carolina's Republican party, also referred to within this dissertation as the Grand Old Party (GOP). It will be argued that the emergence of anti-establishment conservatism as a political ideology, also referred to within this dissertation as conservatism, has highly impacted the Republican party and allowed it to transform into a successful political party within the state. Furthering this argument, it will also be argued that the success of anti-establishment conservatism's influence has had lasting impact upon the Republican Party in North Carolina, which is still apparent within the last decade. To maintain a specific focus, needed to tailor to the dissertation word limit and also to maintain clarity, this dissertation will focus on the south eastern state of North Carolina, also referred to within this dissertation as the Tar Heel state, focusing the trends at a presidential level. (Baker, 2015) This refined scope on the specific state of North Carolina was inspired by Esty (2005)'s article North Carolina Republicans and the Conservative Revolution, 1964-1968. Esty's detailed analysis on the transformation on North Carolina's G.O.P post Goldwater's election in 1964 demonstrated that this premise could be expanded, and when further researching North Carolina it became clear that the state has since become significant due to its changing voting patterns which have rendered it a potential purple or 'swing' state. Furthermore, focusing on one state in particular enabled an in-depth analysis of its political climate and historical context in reference to the transition of the solid south voting bloc which this dissertation will demonstrate as developing due to the continuing strengthening influence of conservatism within the Republican Party. (Elving, 2015)
In order for this dissertation to cater to the word limit, it will be comprised of three chapters, which have been considered most important in understanding the influence of anti-establishment conservatism on the state of North Carolina. The first chapter will focus upon the impact of anti-establishment conservatism on the GOP after the Goldwater election. The definition of anti-establishment conservatism, the emergence of the ideology and Goldwater's election campaign will be presented, as will the political state of North Carolina within this time period. Then it will be argued that the contribution Goldwater's conservative philosophy had upon the party in North Carolina was ideological change which allowed for the party to establish itself as an alternative to the stagnant liberal consensus. In this sense, Goldwater will be appreciated as an agent of anti-establishment conservatism. This will then lead into the second chapter that focuses on the impact of anti-establishment conservatism under the influence of North Carolinian Senator Jesse Helms, whom like Goldwater is also considered an agent of conservatism. The chapter will analyse the impact Helms had upon the party during his senatorship, focusing on the issues of race and religion, both incredibly prevalent within North Carolina allowing him to draw in more Republican supporters, which led to the party becoming even more significant within the state than after Goldwater's election. The significance of these two issues will then be demonstrated by the Traditionalist vs Moderniser conflict which will exhibit the extent to which Helms had used anti-establishment conservatism to transform North Carolina's G.O.P. This chapter will conclude that Helms's impact involved adapting the conservatism of Goldwater and widening the voter platform of the party so that it adapted to the state of North Carolina.
The final chapter will focus on the politics of North Carolina within the last decade, from the years 2008-2018. Referred to as a purple state, where both the Republican and Democratic party have considerable influence, modern day North Carolina exhibits a strong divide among voting patterns. This chapter will explore the voting habits of the state within the last decade, whilst looking at geographical context and argue that the impact of anti-establishment conservatism on the state's G.O.P has led to a culture war within North Carolina, where the traditional values held by the G.O.P resonate more with voters in the small town areas of the state, whereas the progressive, liberal values of the Democratic party resonate more with the state's growing metropolitan cities, resulting in a purple state. The chapter will also look at the backlash resultant of the conservative GOP in North Carolina, exhibited by the Moral Monday Protests, and avoid The Tea Party Movement within North Carolina, considered a manifestation of anti-establishment conservatism due to word limitations. (Sustar, 2013)
This dissertation has relied on and utilised a wide variety of primary and secondary sources and texts that enabled it to develop a specific argument, as well as provide fundamental historical context. Primary sources that have been fundamental to this dissertation were both historical and recent polling data, which signified trends in voting and enabled predictions to be made about the future of North Carolina's voting.
This dissertation also utilised a wide array of secondary texts by academics who had studied the political activity of North Carolina, as well as key contributors to the literature on the rise of anti-establishment conservatism. Using secondary sources of an academic nature have also provided fundamental arguments which contribute to the understanding of how the Republican Party adapted a conservative platform and the wider impact this had upon North Carolina.
One fundamental text used is Goldwater's (2016) Conscience of a Conservative, originally published in 1960, which provided a personal account of the Arizonan Senator's relationship with American politics, and especially his want for a reduction in the size and activities of the Government. The book itself has been a vital source in demonstrating Goldwater's stance and laying out the elements of American anti-establishment conservatism. This text was also extremely useful for determining the differences between Goldwater and Helms, as this text focuses largely on the need for extremely limited government intervention, whereas Helms, despite agreeing to this principle believed in the importance of maintaining religion within society which involved government action. Ultimately, this text was used to demonstrate the conservative principles that the Republican party employed to allow themselves to transform and become a dominant force in North Carolina.
Another key text used within this dissertation was the aforementioned article by Esty (2005), which focuses on the transformation of the state's G.O.P that resulted after Goldwater's failed election campaign, and how it set the precedent for conservative change in the party. Esty argues of the importance of Goldwater's ideology, and how it inspired North Carolinian supporters to rebuild the party into a successful political force within the state. Due to this, the article heavily forms the basis of chapter 1 and the dissertation's fundamental argument.
Finally, Righteous Warrior by Link (2008) was another fundamental text, utilised within this dissertation to demonstrate the impact senator Helms had upon North Carolina's G.O.P, thus being heavily used in the second chapter. The text was incredibly helpful in determining the methods Helms managed to appeal to voters on specific issues, and how this impacted the party. The author importantly touched upon how Helms managed to emphasize how society was declining and losing morality in order to mobilise voters, such as evangelical Christians who had previously stayed out of the political sphere, and vote Republican. The key argument of chapter two, which revolves around the notion that Helms's influence involved establishing the party through widening the voter base was heavily inspired by this text.
Chapter 1: How did Goldwater's anti-establishment conservatism inspire change and thus impact the North Carolinian G.O.P?
Chapter introduction
This chapter will explore the importance of Senator Barry Goldwater, whom is regarded in this dissertation as the individual who inspired the North Carolinian Republican party revolution. Firstly, the concept of anti-establishment conservatism will be discussed as well as the reasons for its emergence as a political ideology. This will provide historical context which is vital for understanding the direction and argument of this dissertation, and will also be important for understanding the next chapter. Furthermore, this chapter will also focus on the impact that Goldwater's anti-establishment conservatism had upon the Republican party of North Carolina, arguing that the senator's influence created significant ideological change that set the precedent for an ideologically distinctive political movement that resonated with voters who felt their concerns were not recognised by either party. Described as "nothing less than a Republican Revolution in southern politics" (Castle, 1990 [online]) the legacy of the Arizonan senator has been widely attributed to the alignment and restructuring of the Republican party as it is recognised today, therefore it is important to explore the meaning behind this.
To do so, attention will be concentrated on Goldwater's conservative philosophy and its manifestation in his 1964 presidential campaign and finally, there will be focus on the impact of his ideological change. Ultimately, this chapter will conclude that Goldwater's anti-establishment conservatism laid the ground work for the remodelling of North Carolina's Republican Party due to the fact that it influenced and inspired ideological change that transformed the party from a weak political force in the state to one which resonated with voters.
Anti-establishment conservatism:
Anti-establishment conservatism as an ideology involves what Horwitz (2013) describes as a combination of traditional and libertarian values. The combination of two distinctive concepts encompasses the importance of the free-market economy, individual rights, limited government, the traditional nuclear family, religion and the U.S constitution. The libertarian strand of anti-establishment conservatism manifests itself primarily in free-market economics, where supporters believe that the government and the economy should be separate. The traditionalist strand however emphasizes the importance of a stable, moral and spiritual society. Together the two strands complement each other and as Himmelstein (1983) mentions, allow for both a capitalistic economic system and the belief in God.
Its emergence can be traced back to the late 1950's early 1960s, where it stemmed from anger towards the New Deal Welfare system. The New Deal Welfare system, which involved significant expansion of the federal government's role and responsibility in the twentieth century" (Hall, 1999 [online]) led many conservatives to believe that the activities of the federal government were merging into a wider trend of America becoming a centralized, collectivist state.(Himmelstein, 1983)
Furthermore, it should also be noted that as an ideology, anti-establishment conservatism emerged as a reaction against establishment conservatism.
The new deal consensus resulted in the Republican Party being characterised as moderate or liberal, with no distinctive ideology that focused on the welfare system, instead the party appeared to assimilate with the National Democrat Party on welfare issues. Senator William Scranton is an example of this, with his work in education reform and raising a sales tax to negate a deficit demonstrating the importance of government intervention. (McFadden, 2013)
The conservative philosophy of anti-establishment conservatism was appreciated by Goldwater, who like other newly emerging conservative thinkers believed that the federal government was overreaching into citizens' personal lives.
Goldwater's conservative philosophy was largely demonstrated within his book Conscience of a Conservative. The conservatism he preached was focused on the importance of self-responsibility and the need for restricted government intervention, based upon the idea that the decisions each individual makes can and should not be made by the collective. He was also concerned with the relationship between political and economic freedom, suggesting that an individual's political freedom is non-existent if they are economically dependent on the welfare state. This demonstrated his belief that the role of the government should be contained to a minimum, to ensure that it did not dictate the lives of individuals and create a state of dependency which would heighten taxes.
Furthermore, Conscience of a Conservative should be recognised as a fusion of both conservative and liberal values, and to ignore the latter would fail to appreciate the traditional American values present within his text. In fact, it should be mentioned that the liberal values contained stem from and support the conservative values presented. For example, Goldwater places a lot of emphasis upon the importance of the constitution, and how it should be interpreted as a fixed document. The respect for the constitution and the influence it should have upon government demonstrated Goldwater's love for tradition and the importance of conserving traditional values. This transpired into liberal values regarding limited government and the rights of individuals, as well as the importance of private business.
Goldwater also heavily advocated the importance of the individuality of states, criticising the interference of the federal government within in-state affairs. For example, within the Conscience of a Conservative, Goldwater mentions the intrusive nature of economic stimulative policies which he argued the Federal government had no right to conduct, as it infringed upon the jurisdiction of state's local government.
Within his manifesto, Goldwater places a great deal of emphasis upon the importance of local governance, which transcends from his focus on the individuality of states. For example, Goldwater believed that education was an issue within the U.S, however he argued that this should not be rectified by federal aid and intervention, and that instead it should be relieved by local school boards and private institutions who were more capable of adapting to the local issues.
What is fundamental to understanding the legacy and impact of Goldwater's conservative philosophy, is to appreciate that at the time of writing, Goldwater was arguably a voice of the few. His anti-establishment conservative attitude challenged the New Deal consensus and the programmes established in the 1930's which were seen to legitimise the growth of the federal government. (Horwitz, 2013) After the Great Depression, it was generally believed that the Government should be more involved with economic issues as it was recognised that an extremely limited role of government threatened the livelihood of American citizens. (Annunziata, 1980) It should also be appreciated that during Goldwater's prominence, the U.S two party political system had ideologically stagnated, due to the liberal consensus that existed in the post new deal years. (Steigerwald, 1995) In a sense, both the G.O.P and the Democratic party had become so focused on maintaining the peace that had amounted since the introduction of the New Deal and the ending of World War 2, that efforts were almost solely focused on effectively managing the welfare state.
Therefore because of this, Goldwater's criticism of greater government intervention was not a familiar voice, and rendered him an extremist. At a time when Liberalism was the dominant political force, Goldwater stood out as an out of touch individual who was trying to unsuccessfully revive a dead ideology. (Esty, 2005)
By attempting to restore society from a conservative and small government approach, Goldwater became a prominent figure. This is because the senator challenged the American government for being too involved and overreaching into peoples' lives, and the nature of domestic policies which resulted from the New Deal programmes created in the 1930's. (McKercher, 2012) This was important within North Carolina, a south-eastern state, which during the period of Goldwater's prominence was characterised by blue collar, white southerners who traditionally voted for the National Democrat party, yet began to feel alienated from it when it began to become associated with the leftist activity that emerged during the 1960s, such as civil rights and becoming excessively interventionist. (Faulkner, 2009)
Therefore, the liberal inclined New Deal consensus, as well as the resulting death of ideology of the Republican party can explain the rise of Goldwater and his prominence among many American citizens who felt that the post-war years had resulted in a worrying rise in government intervention. By running on a platform of low government and self-sufficiency, as well as the importance of the free markets, Goldwater effectively presented voters with a choice when he ran against Johnson in 1964. Thurber (2007 [online]) mentions how Goldwater presented "a choice not an echo" which was demonstrated by his want for restrictions on government intervention, which opposed his opponent Johnson's want to achieve civil rights, increase education funding and end poverty, all of which required a high level of federal intervention. (Thrift, 2014)
The Presidential election of 1964:
Goldwater's election campaign in 1964 was a landmark event which greatly contributed to transforming the Republican Party in the state of North Carolina into a successful political force. This is because the presidential candidacy of Goldwater was inspiring to many conservatives, and like with other Southern states, inspired the change within the GOP from a moderate platform to a conservative one. (Buckley Jr, 2008 and Esty, 2005)
When Goldwater ran for the presidency, North Carolina was part of the solid south voting bloc, a one-party system where southern states would vote for the National Democratic Party. (Rae, 1994) North Carolina's participation in the Solid South voting bloc can be demonstrated by the fact that in every national election from 1932 to 1964, the state voted for the National Democrat Party. (270 To Win, 2018a) This shows a powerful allegiance to a party that was successful in catering to the concerns of Southern voters. Lamis (1985) discusses how the solid south voting bloc was largely concerned with the issue of race, in which voting for one party would preserve the first class status of white citizens, and not risk black citizens using their votes to advance their status. Frederickson (2001) asserts that in the year of 1964, the issue of race was so prevalent that it transcended class issues. This was amplified due to the continuing activity of civil rights and President Johnson's support of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. (Lawrence: 1997)
However, the Democratic party policies that were slowly becoming more liberal were interpreted as socialist, and led to many defecting to the Republican Party. This left the G.O.P in a dilemma concerning the manner they should present their party. They would have to appeal to the new defectors whom were focused on maintaining social values, while not disrupting their more moderate electorate. This was a contentious issue for a party that was plagued by ideological factions, comprising of both moderates and conservatives. (Conley, 2013)
North Carolina did not vote for Goldwater in the 1964 Presidential election, and he lost nationally to his Democrat opponent Johnson who won with a landslide majority of 61.1% and 486 electoral college votes nationally. (Middendorf II, 2006 and 270 To Win, 2018b) Although more North Carolinians were becoming frustrated with the Democrat party, it should be appreciated that when Goldwater ran in 1964, the influence of conservatism within American politics was incredibly limited. Powerful conservative think-tanks such as the Heritage Foundation and the Cato Institute were founded in the following decade after the election, meaning that as a candidate Goldwater faced support difficulties. It should also be taken into account that Goldwater's opponent, incumbent President Johnson was the vice president of President John F. Kennedy, who died the year before. Sentimentality meant that many voters felt they should vote for the incumbent president who promised to follow the civil rights path of Kennedy, making it difficult for a candidate standing on a conservative platform to win. (Hayward, 2016 and Sabato, 2014)
However, after North Carolina's Democrat vote in 1964, the state has voted almost consistently Republican, demonstrating the successful influence of Goldwater's conservatism. This is because Goldwater's influence did not die with his election loss, and within the state of North Carolina inspired the rebuilding of the Republican Party so it could become a successful political force. The campaign itself was characterised by Goldwater's ardent conservative views, and also his vote against the 1964 civil rights bill. Goldwater's rejection of the bill angered many Republicans of the moderate wing, as they believed that it contradicted the G.O.P's founding. Furthermore, the legislation incorporated traditional Republican attitudes towards civil rights.
It has been recognised by Kabaservice (2012) that by voting against the historic bill, Goldwater voted against a landmark achievement of the Republican party. This presented the Arizonian senator as a distinct individual, whom went against the party's general consensus which was generally moderate. This demonstrates Goldwater challenging the ideology of Republican establishment conservatism, which resonated well within North Carolina where more conservative Republicans were coming to the forefront. (Esty, 2005) Furthermore, it is an example of Goldwater's staunch, classical liberal inspired ideology making him stand out. Dallek (1995) notes that Goldwater bought attention to the American citizens who had been forgotten about, and also bought attention to social issues such as government intervention into the civil rights movement. This sat well with the white, southern demographic of North Carolina, given the context of a growingly divided state where racial politics were so contentious. President Johnson's support of the 1964 Civil Rights Act as well as the Voting Rights Act of 1965 signified an end to the One Party South which consistently voted Democrat, as Black voters began to associate with the party. (Black and Black, 2002:244 and Rae, 1994:44 )
The beginning of ideological change in North Carolina's Republican Party:
The impact Goldwater's anti-establishment conservatism had upon North Carolina's Republican Party should be recognised as fundamentally ideological change. The Senator demonstrated the importance of small government and limited intervention, as well as personal responsibility. This resulted in the party becoming distinctive to the Democratic Party, who were becoming increasingly associated with the advancement of civil rights. It impacted North Carolina's Republican Party because it allowed it to transform itself from a redundant political force which did not resonate with voters in the south eastern state, to a politically and ideologically distinctive party that presented itself as an alternative to the stagnant liberal consensus.
To achieve being ideologically distinctive from the Democrat party, North Carolina's G.O.P had to adapt to the political climate of the state and focus on voter concerns. It has already been mentioned that many white southern voters in the state were concerned with the diminishing of moral values, which were amplified with the growing liberalisation of the Democrat party. By focusing on this, and focusing party efforts on acting on this, the influence of Goldwater ensured that the Republican Party would be more successful in gaining support within a traditionally democrat voting state. This set the precedent for future change within the party in the Tarheel state, which will be discussed within the next chapter. Essentially, the traditional values held by many southern, white voters did not erode when they began to associate more with the Republican Party, instead the classical liberal and conservative platform that the Republican Party adopted resonated better with these voters.
Thus, to conclude, it should be recognised that the influence of anti-establishment conservatism through Goldwater contributed to the North Carolinian GOP's success by fundamentally altering the ideology of the party. Goldwater's appreciation for limited government, low taxes and prudence inspired the emergence of other conservatives who were resentful of the post war liberal consensus and inspired an ideological shift where these ideas could be put into practice. As Donaldson (2015) mentions, the campaign of Goldwater was responsible for redefining the Republican Party for the rest of the twentieth century. This change in ideology appealed to many white southern voters in the state, and as O'Brien (2007, [online]) asserts, "laid the intellectual groundwork for the notions of small government, less taxation and muscular foreign policy" Those who had been reluctant to vote Republican due to wanting to maintain a Democratic majority in the South were now a lot more willing, especially considering the context of President Johnson supporting the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
Chapter 2: Senator Jesse Helms's anti-establishment conservativism influence on North Carolina's Republican Party:
Chapter introduction:
The previous chapter focused on the emergence of anti-establishment conservatism, and the significance of Goldwater in influencing ideological change in the Republican party that involved anti-establishment conservatism. This chapter will continue to focus on the impact that anti-establishment conservatism has had upon the Republican party in North Carolina, however unlike the previous chapter, the focus will be on the influence of North Carolina's Senator Jesse Helms. The time period that this chapter will focus on specifically will be from the year Helms was elected as senator, 1972, to 1990. Background context from the 1960s will also be presented, which will give the chapter enough scope to focus on particular issues and also show the relevance of Helms before he was elected.
Ultimately, this chapter will demonstrate that Helms continued the anti-establishment conservative ideology that emerged with Goldwater. However, fundamentally it will argue that the impact Helms had upon North Carolina's Republican party involved modifying the conservatism of Goldwater and focusing on two issues: religion and race, in order for the party to adapt to North Carolina and establish itself within the state. This chapter will argue that by focusing on these two issues in particular Helms, like Goldwater, influenced ideological change upon the party, but also contributed to establishing the party as a distinct political force within the traditionally democratic state. The reason Helms is such an important agent of anti-establishment conservatism is due to him being regarded an extremist, yet still being able to win over so many voters within North Carolina.
It also evidences that Helm's effectively modified Goldwater's conservatism, and adapted it to suit more demographics within the state of North Carolina, which meant more citizens became associated with the conservative label and helped to continuously change the political scene of North Carolina. Therefore, this chapter will focus on Helms acted as an agent of anti-establishment conservatism to establish the party within North Carolina.
To achieve this, focus will be directed upon his role in fusing the conservative movement with Christian evangelicals who had entered the realm of politics in a reactionary manner after their anger at the social decline of the 1960's. To maintain a specific focus on Helms's senatorial role within North Carolina, and also to adhere to the word limit of this dissertation, the context of the presidency at the time will not be discussed within this chapter. Thus, the advent of President Reagan and his contribution to the conservatism movement, despite being relevant, will not be mentioned.
Mobilising Religious voters:
Jesse Helms was elected Senator of North Carolina in 1972, only two years after he moved to the Republican Party from the democrats. Like many southern voters, Helms began to lose faith in the National Democratic Party, which he saw as moving too to the left, and defected to the Republican Party in 1970. (Southern Oral History Program Collection, 1974) Helms had built up a significant reputation working for a conservative radio station, which he used to further his want to undermine the support white southerners had for liberal inspired policies to ensure a conservative revival. As Thrift (2014) mentions, Helms's rhetoric combined the importance of a free-market based economy with cultural and populist politics, which challenged the dominance of liberalism. Furthermore, Helms's experience working in radio resulted in him being a known and already influential figure, and this contributed vastly to his success in winning the election for senator in 1972.
When he became senator in 1972, Helms used his position to influence anti-establishment conservatism within the Republican Party in North Carolina. One way in which this impacted North Carolina's G.O.P through Jesse Helms was his mobilisation of religious voters. The ideological impact of Goldwater's anti-establishment conservatism was not concerned with the importance of religion within society, in fact, the focus on minimum federal intervention extended to the government keeping out of personal affairs, such as religion. Horwitz (2013) explains the process of helping establish the conservatism of Goldwater after his election defeat involved focusing on social issues that resonated with specific demographics, such as evangelical Christians in order to widen party support.
Religion is a prominent theme within Southern states, such as North Carolina, and heavily associated with their politics. (Slocum, 2011) Therefore, by garnering support from evangelical Christian voters, Helms could continue the influence of conservatism within North Carolina. This was important because the percentage of Evangelical Christians within the U.S was a significant proportion, with one poll in 1976 suggesting that approximately a third of American citizens were evangelicals. (Williams, 2011) Therefore, appealing to this part of the electorate could result in incredible electoral wins for the GOP, not just within North Carolina but nationally.
Helms, was a born again Christian, and saw Christianity as integral to determining the continuation of a civil society. His self-confessed Christianity allowed Helms to be seen as relatable, and as this section will explore, resulted in the rallying of religious voters who viewed him a restorer of morals, impacting the state's Republican Party in both ideology and voter base.
The reason it is so important to focus on Helm's rallying of religious voters is because previously they had been politically dormant, staying out of the political realm, yet religion was such a significant element of North Carolinian culture. (Mathews, 2006) Although Helms is not solely, or indeed entirely responsible for garnering up religious votes, the impact his conservative approach had upon these voters and indeed the impact this had upon North Carolina's G.O.P is incredibly important. By emphasizing the moral and social decline that had occurred during the 1960s, such as focusing on the evils of abortion, and the move away from the importance of religion in schools, "Helms spoke language that evangelicals understood." (Link, 2008:179). Standing on a fiscally conservative platform, and also prioritising religious issues, Helms presented himself, and more importantly, North Carolina's Republican Party as the party for restoring societal balance.