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Essay: The Decline of Indigenous Beliefs in Supernaturalism in Southeast Asia in the Modern Era

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  • Published: 1 April 2019*
  • Last Modified: 23 July 2024
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  • Words: 1,761 (approx)
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Contrary to popular beliefs generated by the mass media, beliefs in Supernaturalism transcends the realm of Vampires, Zombies and poltergeists. Religion and culture are subjects that are often excluded in many studies on supernaturalism. More specifically, the proposed definition for Supernaturalism is “the assumption of an otherworldly reality that exists outside our observable universe” (Ashdown, 2017).  Yet, a more elementary interpretation of Supernaturalism provided by Tylor, contradicts the aforementioned definition. Tylor’s classic definition of religion was cited as “the belief in spiritual beings” (Endres & Lauser, 2012). Although Tylor’s interpretation was widely controversial, it shows how diverse spiritual conceptions are. Moreover, it is a good starting point for discourse regarding how supernaturalism plays a role in the 21st century.

Modernity is an epochal phenomenon that marked the change in society. Many common theories propose that modernization is characterized by nation-building, industrialization, economic prosperity and institutional differentiation (Wilson, 2012; Endres & Lauser, 2012). Essentially, these theories posit that society will experience an inevitable societal transformation. The only differing view being how these changes will happen. Citing Eisenstadt, he hypothesizes that the influence that modernity has on a society is dependent on the cultural context (Endres & Lauser, 2012). Whereas, Knauft contends that the political and economy state of the society also affects of how modernity shapes our society (Knauft, 2002). Despite varying views on the latter subject, what remains definite is the inevitable decline in indigenous beliefs in Supernaturalism. Cited by Endres, Weber predicts that there will be a gradual disenchantment of the world due to advent of modernity (Endres & Lauser, 2012). He believed that this phenomenon would eventually replace prior religious and cultural practices. As such, for either positive or negative, beliefs in supernaturalism can interfere with our way of life politically, economically and socially. (Endres & Lauser, 2012). Thus, it is essential to understand how supernatural beliefs alter with the passage of time. Such is my aim in this essay which I show how modernity is associated with the decline of indigenous beliefs in Supernaturalism while limiting my scope to Southeast Asia.

I will first expound on how modernity is tightly linked to colonization by establishing a relationship between the former and the latter. Subsequently, the essay will illustrate the emergence of a capitalistic society due to the effects of modernity. The essay will then offer varying perspectives on how indigenous beliefs are forgotten and lost in the process of modernization. Additionally, the decline in indigenous supernaturalism can also be ascribed to migration for it facilitated the assimilation of different traditions and cultures. Lastly, the essay seeks to disprove the idea that one can still find remnants of indigenous beliefs in hybridized religions.

One of the consequences that ensue from modernity is the need to establish an institutional government. In Southeast Asia, the dominance of an institutionalized state came in the form of the colonial project. Previously, non-Western civilizations were deemed as “primitive” for they were susceptible to supernatural beliefs. Hence, the majority of the Southeast Asian states were subjected to colonization as they were seen as incapable of self-governance (Styers, 2004). For instance, the French who occupied colonial Vietnam attributed its weakness the beliefs in traditional customs (Endres, 2007). Similar to how the deviant is viewed in today’s context, indigenous beliefs were previously seen as forms of irrationality and abnormality. Thus, these beliefs are either ignored or relegated to an inferior position by the colonial rulers. The lack of records in the ethnographic literature of Southeast Asia serves to exemplify this claim. Comparatively, western countries had far more research and accounts of supernaturalism (Ellen, 1993). Even when references are found, it is described as uncivilized. Ellen furthers that this may be due to the potential threat that religion has on political authority. The existence of religion poses a challenge to the institutionalized state as it has the ability to establish itself as an autonomous religion. Therefore, indigenous beliefs in Supernaturalism are labeled as harmful by those in power. In Indonesia where religion has already been institutionalized, individuals who holds conflicting ideology from that of the government are condemned and considered to be “religionless” (Enders & Lauser, 2012). In fact, the term “Superstition”, coined by Meiji-era colonizers, expresses a negative connotation. The Vietnamese term for “Superstition (mê tín)” signifies the idea of being deluded. Thus, the marginalization of indigenous Supernaturalism was a significant element of the colonial project in the Southeast Asian states as it prompted a shift in religious beliefs. Consequently, this resulted in the manifestation of popular religion that is familiar in today’s context.

In turn, colonization fuels economic development as nations undergo industrialization to remain financially powerful in the economic landscape of Southeast Asia. As elsewhere, the emergence of global capitalism has not only led to the expansion of wealth but also economic uncertainty. Subsequently, this prompts the conception of a “market culture” (Kitiarsa, 2012) where businesses are catered for consumers. As Kitiarsa notes, this creates an apt condition for religion to intersect with the capitalist economy causing the commodification of religion. Thailand witnessed this first hand when she saw the emergence of prosperity religion during its economic boom in the 1980s (Jackson, 1999). Cited by Jackson, Roberts states that prosperity religion are popular movements that focus on the procurement of wealth as much as devotion. The burgeoning market in Thailand saw an array of spiritual symbols such as amulets and images which is said to increase one’s wealth (Jackson, 1999). Additionally, devotees make offerings to deities and ancestors in hopes that they will be reciprocated with riches. Individuals strives to maintain this relationship formed with spiritual beings as a means of avoiding suffering and achieving blessings (Kendall, 2012). The popularity of religious goods signifies a change in religious beliefs where prior beliefs starts to lose its value and instead adapt to the current economic condition. This illustrates the dynamic interplay between the market forces and the spiritual landscapes of Southeast Asia.

Moreover, indigenous beliefs were lost in the process of cultural assimilation due to migration. The worldwide economic boom spurred the movement of people across the seas as they seek to find success and riches in wealthier nations. Consequently, as individuals with different cultures and traditions come together, different school of thoughts amalgamate to create new religious beliefs and practices. Cited by Kitiarsa, Keyes propounds that government policies and legislation of factoring foreign immigrants in Thailand was one of the key factors which facilitated the assimilation of culture and religion (Kitiarsa, 2012). This process in the context of anthropological studies is widely known as hybridization. Citing Reid, he hypothesis that hybridization is only made possible with the “miracle of tolerance” which implies that it was “natural for different people to have different beliefs” (Kitiarsa, 2012). The mutual tolerance between Hinduism, Theravada Buddhism and supernaturalism during the Ayutthaya period serves to exemplify this hypothesis (Kitiarsa, 2012). One can also see instances of hybridity on spirit altars where the statues of different deities from diverse religions are placed together; Buddha placed at the top, followed by Brahma and minor deities at the bottom (Kitiarsa, 2012). Such plurality of religion found in Southeast Asia, evidently indicates that people of different culture have come together and accepted each other’s beliefs. As such, this blurring distinctions between religion illustrates how indigenous beliefs converges to manifest into new forms of beliefs and practices. Hence, in the process of hybridization, previous beliefs are lost and forgotten for they amalgamate to better suit the present needs.

Yet, there are theories that assails the notion that modernity has led to the decline of indigenous beliefs. Opponents of this supposition insists that indigenous beliefs are not completely lost, for remnants of prior beliefs can still be found in popular religion. Cited by Kitiarsa, Terwiel identifies this theory as a syncretic approach where they contend that elements of indigenous religion can still be seen in religion today. For instance, he attempts to justify this by raising the example of Theravada Buddhism, stating that it consists of elements from both Buddhism and indigenous cults (2012). This syncretic approach simply believes that indigenous beliefs can be traced even in hybridized religions. However, this theory is largely parochial. This theory neglects the ineluctable fact that different beliefs have already formed an entirely new religion. Moreover, the example given is not sufficient prove otherwise for there are more instances of the decline in indigenous beliefs compared to the former. Cited by Kitiarsa, Radjadhon furthers that as different beliefs and ideas hybridized, they become intertwined to an inextricable degree such that prior beliefs are no longer distinguishable from each other. One can see instances of such in Thailand where the ideas of indigenous Buddhism contradicts that of popular religion (Kitiarsa, 2012). Kirsch (1997) also advances that the beliefs and practices of Thai animism, which has only recently garnered traction, are not parallel to that of indigenous Buddhism and Brahmanism. It is evident that indigenous beliefs are being forgotten as society moves with the passage of time for we no longer practice these old-age traditions. Thus, the present reality seems to lend more credence to the latter theory that modernity has led to the decline of indigenous beliefs.

This manifestation of popular religion amidst the transition of society is what Tanabe and Keyes termed as the “crisis of modernity” (Kitiarsa, 2012). Indigenous beliefs in supernaturalism converges and intersects over time creating a highly diverse and plural religious system. This process of hybridization was only made possible by several factors. Firstly, colonization has entailed a significant shift in the spiritual landscape of Southeast Asian. The reason being that the western conquerors viewed indigenous beliefs to be illogical and primitive. Moreover, religions which holds too much autonomy are deemed as potential threat to the established governing bodies. Essentially, this led to the emergence of global capitalism for nations compete with each other for authority. Hence, this creates an apt environment for religion to interact with the market, the same market that breeds desires and worries which prompt the commodification of religion. Consequently, popular religion was formed. Thirdly, the decline of indigenous beliefs can also be ascribed to migration for it has facilitated the assimilation of different cultures. In turn, the aforementioned factors have result in the amalgamation of different indigenous beliefs. Inevitably, indigenous beliefs are lost and forgotten in the process of modernization. As such, a better understanding of how indigenous beliefs is associated with modernity can aid future anthropological and theological studies. Additionally, this essay can serve as a starting point to propose possible solutions to halt the gradual decline of indigenous beliefs in supernaturalism. Perhaps the better question to keep in mind is what we can do to prevent the eventual disenchantment of the world.

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