Teddy Roosevelt’s diplomatic involvement in the world, outside of American interests, set a precedent that was used quite differently by Roosevelt’s successor, Woodrow Wilson. While Roosevelt and Wilson were political rivals and had little respect for each other, Roosevelt had created the precedent on which Wilson built an even more idealistic, Christian view of America’s role in the world. McKinley, Roosevelt, and Wilson were building on the set of spiritual awakenings that took place in the country following the Civil War, associated with the revivalist Dwight L. Moody. These men recognized that the country would be willing to take international action because of their Christian beliefs, beliefs that they shared.
In addition to bolstering the mix of Christianity with the idea of America as God’s chosen nation, the light of the world, and teacher of the nations, the Moody era revivals, and those that followed, provided a domestic framework on which a president could build an interventionist foreign policy. As William McKinley did when he justified keeping the Philippines, Woodrow Wilson tapped into this same sense of divine mission to enlist support for his crusade to remake the world into a liberal democratic world order. He spoke of a new world built on Christian principles, ending war by entering the war on the allied side to ensure “peace without victory.” While Wilson’s argument about going to war to defeat one side in the conflict in order to achieve “peace without victory” seems contradictory to most, it was not for Wilson. For Wilson, the contradiction was rooted and resolved in his understanding of his Presbyterianism, as well as his willingness to think and act in Calvinist patterns, which submitted apparent contradiction to the Divine will. Wilson acted in these religious patterns even while taking purely secular actions.
The United States’ entry into the First World War was a case study in the way an American leader used religious patterns of American thought to further a foreign policy agenda that was not primarily in the self-interest of the United States. The United States could have sat out the war and let the Europeans slug it out. Indeed, it would have profited in the end by doing so. Wilson, however, privately grew ever more convinced that he was president at this specific time by divine plan to create a new world order from the tragedy of the Great War in Europe.
By exercising his moral opinion, which tended to penalize Germany more than Britain or France, he steadily, though unwittingly, pushed the Germans into acting in belligerent ways toward the United States. The note sent to Germany following the sinking of the Lusitania, on which American passengers were killed, was much harsher than the note sent to Britain, which had carelessly put military equipment on passenger liners for transport. Indeed, the note was so “unneutral” that it precipitated the resignation of William Jennings Bryan, who was then Wilson’s secretary of state.14 Yet, when war was finally declared, the United States did not join the alliance, but instead joined as an “associated power” so as to keep its superior distinction from the dark powers of Europe. The United States was on a mission to save the world.
Wilson’s address to Congress asking for a declaration of war was given on Good Friday and closed with a statement reminiscent of the German Protestant Reformer, Martin Luther’s closing lines at the Diet of Worms: “God helping her [the U.S.] she can do no other.”15 As the war progressed, this sense of divine mission became more pronounced in Wilson’s thinking and rhetoric until it was a full-blown “redemption of the world” that he spoke of at Pueblo, Colorado, just prior to his physical breakdown: “I wish that they could feel the moral obligation that rests upon us not to go back on those boys, but to see the thing through, to see it through to the end and make good their redemption of the world. For nothing-less depends upon this decision, nothing less than liberation and salvation of the world.”16
Notwithstanding reinforcing the blend of Christianity with the possibility of America as God's picked country, the light of the world, and educator of the countries, the Moody period restorations, and those that took after, gave a household system on which a president could construct an interventionist remote strategy. As William McKinley did when he advocated keeping the Philippines, Woodrow Wilson took advantage of this same feeling of heavenly mission to enroll bolster for his campaign to redo the world into a liberal law based world request. He talked about another world based on Christian standards, finishing war by entering the war on the unified side to guarantee "peace without triumph." While Wilson's contention about going to war to overcome one side in the contention keeping in mind the end goal to accomplish "peace without triumph" appears to be conflicting to most, it was not for Wilson. For Wilson, the logical inconsistency was established and settled in his comprehension of his Presbyterianism, and in addition his eagerness to think and act in Calvinist examples, which submitted evident logical inconsistency to the Divine will. Wilson acted in these religious examples even while taking absolutely mainstream activities.
The United States' entrance into the First World War was a contextual analysis in the way an American pioneer utilized religious examples of American idea to facilitate a remote approach plan that was not basically in the self-enthusiasm of the United States. The United States could have sat out the war and let the Europeans slug it out. In reality, it would have benefitted at last thusly. Wilson, in any case, secretly developed perpetually persuaded that he was president at this particular time by divine intend to make another world request from the awfulness of the Great War in Europe.
By practicing his ethical conclusion, which had a tendency to punish Germany more than Britain or France, he relentlessly, however accidentally, pushed the Germans into acting in bellicose courses toward the United States. The note sent to Germany following the sinking of the Lusitania, on which American travelers were executed, was significantly harsher than the note sent to Britain, which had imprudently put military gear on traveler liners for transport. In fact, the note was unneutral to the point that it encouraged the abdication of William Jennings Bryan, who was then Wilson's secretary of state.14 Yet, when war was at long last proclaimed, the United States did not join the organization together, but rather joined as a "related power" in order to keep its prevalent refinement from the dim forces of Europe. The United States was set for spare the world.
Wilson's deliver to Congress requesting an affirmation of war was given on Good Friday and shut with an announcement reminiscent of the German Protestant Reformer, Martin Luther's end lines at the Diet of Worms: "God helping her [the U.S.] she can do no other."15 As the war advanced, this feeling of awesome mission turned out to be more articulated in Wilson's reasoning and talk until the point that it was an all out "reclamation of the world" that he discussed at Pueblo, Colorado, only preceding his physical breakdown: "I wish that they could feel the ethical commitment that rests upon us not to backpedal on those young men, but rather to see the thing through, to see it all the way to the finish and make great their recovery of the world. In vain less relies on this choice, nothing not as much as freedom and salvation of the world."16