The rate of teenage births has declined in America in the previous years and is currently the lowest it has ever been, but teenage births in America still rank higher than other developed countries (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services [HHS], 2016). In 2016, there were 209,809 babies born to teen mothers ranging from 15-19 years old and about three-quarters of those pregnancies were unplanned (HHS, 2016). There were 20.3 births for every 1,000 teenage females in that age group (HHS, 2016). In the same year, one in six births were repeated teen births in which the teenage female had already given birth before. With a record high rate of 61.8 births in 1991, that rate has now decreased by 67 percent (HHS, 2016). It is important to evaluate and implement effective teen pregnancy prevention programs to continue to reduce the rate of teen pregnancies and to prevent unwanted teen births in America.
1) Bennett, S. E., & Assefi, N. P. (2005). School-based teenage pregnancy prevention programs: A systematic review of randomized controlled trials. Journal of Adolescent Health, 36(1), 72-81. doi:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2003.11.097
The purpose of this article is to compare the effectiveness of two teen pregnancy prevention programs in American secondary schools. Sixteen randomized controlled trials from 1982-2002 were evaluated to compare two programs: an abstinence-only program (does not incorporate contraceptive education) and an abstinence-plus program (incorporates contraceptive education, prevention of sexually transmitted infections, and abstinence). The observed outcomes were sexual behavior, teenage pregnancy rates, contraceptive knowledge, and usage. Students who were in the abstinence-plus program were less likely to engage in unprotected sex and reported no increase in sexual activity. In fact, four abstinence-plus studies reported a decrease in sexual activity compared to controls. Abstinence-plus studies also showed that there was an increase in contraceptive knowledge compared to the abstinence-only arm. Neither of the programs showed any decrease in the number of sexual partners sexually experienced teens had. The strength of this article is that the author evaluated published randomized controlled trials on teen pregnancy with relevant outcome measures. The limitations are that there were few studies that asked teens directly about pregnancy and the follow-up times for some were so short that it did not allow the researchers to determine the impact of the program. Pregnant teens are more likely to drop out of school, so their exclusion led to incomplete data sets. Difficulty in obtaining parental consent for the studies also contributed to incomplete data as well. This is relevant to my research because it debunks the idea that teaching students about abstinence combined with contraceptive education encourages sexual activity in teens.
2) Langille, D. B. (2007). Teenage pregnancy: trends, contributing factors and the physician’s role. Canadian Medical Association Journal, 176(11), 1601–1602. doi: 10.1503/cmaj.070352
The purpose of this article is to discuss the effects of teen pregnancy on the child, factors contributing to teen pregnancies, as well as a physician’s role in regard to this topic. Children of teen mothers are at increased risk for health effects such as poorer cognitive development and lower birth weights. These children are also more likely to grow up in an unsupportive environment and are at higher risk of becoming a teen mother themselves if they are female. Teen mothers are more likely to have mental health issues and have more difficulty obtaining an education and a job. The factors that influence a teen’s decision to obtain and use contraception operate at the individual level, intrafamilial level, extrafamilial level, and community level. Physicians who have teen patients should address sexual activity and offer sexual health information to them. The strengths of this article are that it listed the consequences of teen pregnancies for teen mothers and their children and also the factors that prevent teens from obtaining/using contraception. The limitation of this article is that it did not take into consideration that some teenage mothers may have come from situations such as coming from low-income households that put them at a disadvantage regardless of whether they were pregnant. This is relevant to my paper because I can discuss the effects of teen pregnancies on teen mothers and their children and the importance of addressing contributing factors to teen pregnancies.
3) Oman, R. F., Merritt, B. T., Fluhr, J., & Williams, J. M. (2015). Comparing School-Based Teen Pregnancy Prevention Programming: Mixed Outcomes in an At-Risk State. Journal of School Health, 85(12), 886-893. doi:10.1111/josh.12343
The purpose of this study is to assess the effectiveness of a national comprehensive teen pregnancy prevention (TPP) to a national abstinence-only (until marriage) TPP intervention in Oklahoma. 6416 seventh graders either attended eight 50-minute sessions of the abstinence-only program or thirteen 50-minute sessions of the comprehensive TPP program, depending on which program their school selected. A pre- and post-intervention questionnaire was given and the changes in students’ knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors towards teen pregnancies were evaluated. It was reported that changes in knowledge did not predict or influence a teen’s sexual decisions in either program, but improvements in attitudes did. It was also determined that comprehensive TPP programs are more effective in increasing the number of students that choose to practice abstinence. The strengths of this study are it compared two teen pregnancy prevention programs and determined what influenced teens’ sexual decisions. The limitations are that abstinence-only students received fewer classroom sessions than comprehensive TPP students and there were no follow-ups conducted. This study is relevant to my research because it identifies comprehensive TPP programs as being more effective than abstinence-only programs, despite a common belief that abstinence-only programs are more effective.
4) Donoghue, C., Bonillas, C., Moreno, J., Cardoza, O., & Cheung, M. (2017). Young people’s perceptions of advice about sexual risk taking. Sex Education, 17(1), 73-85. doi:10.1080/14681811.2016.1236016
The purpose of this study was to compare how sexually inexperienced and sexually experienced teens (those who have had vaginal intercourse) ages 13-20 years old are receptive of the importance of sex and contraceptives based on the source of information. 694 participants completed a questionnaire and the results reported that teens are more receptive to advice when it comes from a source that they find important. Sexually inexperienced teens placed a greater importance on sexual health information than their sexually experienced peers when it came from teachers and religious leaders. The strengths of this study are that it combined data on teens’ sexual activity and the likelihood of the teen following a peer or authoritative figure’s guidance. The limitations of this study are that all participants were selected from a city that has a high rate of teen births which is not representative of all young people in America. Also, it excluded anal and oral sex which may have altered the results if included. This is relevant to my research because it identifies who influences teens’ decisions on sexual activities and this is important to know in order to implement effective teen pregnancy prevention programs.
5) Sedgh, G., Finer, L. B., Bankole, A., Eilers, M. A., & Singh, S. (2015). Adolescent Pregnancy, Birth, and Abortion Rates Across Countries: Levels and Recent Trends. Journal of Adolescent Health,56(2), 223-230. doi:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2014.09.007
The purpose of this study is to examine how the reality show 16 and Pregnant impacts teens’ perspectives on teen pregnancies. 162 adolescent members from 18 Boys & Girls Clubs ranging from 10-19 years old participated in which each club was randomly assigned to a control or treatment group. All participants completed a pretest and posttest questionnaire. After the treatment group watched three episodes, 17% of teens said that the show glamorizes being a teen mom while 82% of teens said that the show highlighted challenges and the characters do not have desirable lives. The strengths of this study are it was effective in getting teens to recognize the reality of being a teen parent and it also received positive feedback from participants. Many teens said they liked the show and would share what they learned with a friend. The limitation of this study is that most of the discussion guide was covered by facilitators who may not have been qualified to lead discussions. The discussions and conversations were also not observed or analyzed by a researcher. This is relevant to my research because teens spend a lot of time watching TV. Shows that demonstrate the reality of teen pregnancy could also be appealing to teens outside of the study. Shows such as these can possibly be an effective method in reducing teen pregnancy rates because it gets teens to engage in conversation about sexual health education.