The notice to the state government agencies, including GMC and GMDA in August 2013 by Gauhati High Court based on a PIL filed by two journalists Nitali Sarmah and Sulakshana Mithi Kachari on separate toilets for women in the city; has portrayed the murky status of the basic amenities even in urban centres. Regrettably, this has emerged after two long decades of 74th Constitutional Amendment Act that came into force in June 1993 which sought to strengthen decentralisation, empowering Urban Local Bodies (ULB). Today, although there may be questionable advertising hype by politicians, executives & business echelons by conducting photo sessions holding brooms in public places; no adverse report card should defeat the essentiality of the campaign like 'Swachh Bharat Abhiyan' launched on 2nd October 2014. This campaign has been preceded by 'Nirmal Bharat Abhiyan' since April 2012 which was the restructured version of Total Sanitation Campaign launched in April 1999. Do we need a separate campaign once the empowered public administrative system in place?
The practice of open defecation in rural India is the highest in the world as 70% of rural households lack toilets and on the other hand, about 19% of urban households do not have access to toilets (Census 2011). The urbanisation has increased per capita waste generation rate from 0.44 kg/day in 2001 to 0.5 kg/day in 2011, driven by changing lifestyles and swelling purchasing power of urban population. In the present campaign, Rural Sanitation and Urban Solid Waste Management have been identified for specific interventions in terms of Behaviour, Capacity, Infrastructure and Management.
Since independence, many campaigns have been ended up with achieving only numerical targets without guaranteeing the sustainability of those numbers and further maintenance responsibilities. Over 18,500 Crore Rupees (World Bank Report 2010) has been spent over two decades ending in 2010 to build about 70 million toilets in India; but census 2011 indicated that about 60% of the population still defecate in the open. Recently, one NGO from Bengaluru estimates that about 30% of the CSR funds in 2015-16 will go into building toilets. The hurdle is that the toilets built without water connection are less likely to have any impact on complete sanitation practices. The magnitude of building toilets is huge, but without accountability of the empowered local bodies; community owning, maintenance and sustainable sanitation practice will not be possible. But, the 74th Constitutional Amendment Act did not lay down revenue base for local bodies and the power to determine the revenue base continues to remain with state governments. Many states have not yet transferred functions, funds and functionaries.
It is pertinent to inculcate a broader purview in terms of perimeter & attributes for a campaign by incorporating the historical learning of implementation. Swachh Bharat campaign without focussing on a comprehensive livelihood management system can be analogised with the poverty alleviation campaign without recourse to the institutional development process. Otherwise, this kind of campaign may not recognise the interaction of social, historical and institutional factors which determine economic outcomes.
There are popular arguments stating that India's dirtiness cannot be disregarded due to its poverty and many poor societies that are cleaner than India. This appeal may be targeting the burgeoning middle class requiring attitudinal shift from colonial legacy and caste hegemony. Because, the middle class population in modern societies are always seen as promoter of social stability and driving force behind growth. But, by no means, can't the cleanliness campaign be secluded from poverty and the implications of the campaign may vary differently to different strata of the society.
The archetypical picture of filthy streets with mountains of garbage right outside the meticulously cleaned and spotless houses in India reveals wide public-private divide. This colonial legacy further segmented the society which has been traditionally stuck to their family, community and caste group. The attitude towards manual labour deeply ingrained in Indian society for a variety of socio-cultural reasons; cannot acknowledge that the artisan who works with hands is equally dignified in labour as one who works with the mind. This in turn leads to lack of professionalism and quality in the performance of manual tasks. Renowned author Gurcharan Das describes how caste boundaries separated knowledge from labour inhibiting technological innovation; which can be ascribed for our industrial failure.
It is worth recalling an Assamese drama by Arun Goswami in late seventies depicting a picture of a poor rigger falling in the trap of the vicious cycle of the poverty and population explosion. Whether it is food security before 2005, minimum expenditure since 2005 or World Bank definition, poverty is widespread and a historical reality in India. According to this revised methodology of World Bank, the world had 872.3 million people below the new poverty line, of which 179.6 million people lived in India in 2011. In other words, India with 17.5% of total world's population had 20.6% share of world poorest.
Poverty alleviation is the most challenging cleanliness campaign worldwide. The urban poverty ratio is 21% and the rural ratio is 34% in India (Planning Commission 2009-10). The popular narration is that the economic growth rather than so-called 'welfare' schemes can tackle poverty alleviation process. The development can create employment and engage the population in the growth process. Contrary to competing alternatives; social spending is an integral part of the growth strategy. The social spending should not only improve the welfare of the population but also provide employment with positive multiplier effects and expanding the domestic market. Instead of writing off the crucial and potentially transformative programmes for rural employment, health, education food security; it is crucial to have object-oriented implementation free from the hegemonic nexus of misappropriation. The output growth through large capital can only deliver once a social security system is in place with true spirit. How will GDP growth suffice to meet the employment goal?
Dirt is something unwanted, rejected and waste created on or off the system. In broader sense, the social-economic stains like poverty, social injustice and corruption fatten the pollution and wastes in the physical environment surrounding us. The attitudinal affair of burgeoning Indian middle class lacking collective responsibility has been the culmination of its historical precedence. The campaign appeals revisiting the mindset inherited with the great divide in public-private belongingness. The accountability of the public and public administration with a reformist mind is the pre-condition for the success of such a campaign. Then only, we can think of a complete self-sustaining livelihood system free from both socio-economic and environmental dirtiness.