When we talk about K-Pop, normally what comes to mind are the K-Pop idols that have “good looks, a unique fashion statement, and dance moves” (Kim, 15). Indeed, appearance is an important factor that determines the success of K-Pop in not only South Korea, but all over the world. Yet, behind the glamorous life of a K-Pop idol is the blood, sweat, and tears of relentless training, dieting, and working out to obtain or maintain the attractive appearance that an idol “should have” (Kim, 7). As the popularity of “idol culture” has raised the bar for beauty standards in South Korea, unsurprisingly, “lookism” here is also a very common phenomenon. Moving from Korea’s entertainment industry to its society, I will discuss the phenomenon of lookism and the beauty standards in South Korea’s society and compare it to those in the US, whose entertainment industry is also thriving, in order to prove that South Korea society is facing very severe problems of lookism.
According to the Oxford Dictionary, “lookism” is discrimination based on physical appearance which is believed to “fall short of societal notions of beauty.” These societal standards for beauty or attractiveness and the resulting biases ensue from stereotypes and generalizations about how an individual measures up to them. For example, in the Korean entertainment industry, if a K-Pop idol fails to be on par with her group members in terms of appearance, she would be criticized by the audience as “unattractive,” “ugly,” or “worthless of the group.” On the other hand, if she is one of the most “good-looking” members of the group, according to the society’s beauty standards, she would gain a lot of love and support from the audience, not necessarily for her talent, but for her appearance.
According to “Mirror, Mirror on the Wall, Who Are You to Say Who Is Fairest of Them All?” by Ashley Brown, lookism has both its advantages and disadvantages. In this article, Brown argues that lookism results in “preferential treatment” for people who are considered “attractive,” which is one of its advantages (57). In the context of the Korean entertainment industry, idols who are better-looking generally get more screen time on music videos, variety shows, or award shows in comparison to less attractive ones. For instance, in Black Pink’s music videos, Jennie, who is the most popular in the group, has the most amount of screen time and line distribution (how much an idol can sing in a group song) among all the members. On the other hand, Brown also points out that “it hurts not be beautiful” (58). According to her, society generally has a higher expectation of “beautiful people.” This has been proved by an article from the University of Texas, Dallas, “Judging a Book by Its Cover: Beauty and Expectations in the Trust Game.” The article reveals that there is a “beauty penalty” that attractive individuals are often subjected to (Wilson and Eckel, 199). In the K-Pop context, if a popular idol fails to meet his fans’ expectations, for example, by losing his desirable “six-packed” body, the backlash from fans will be tremendous. As a result, attractive people are more subject to stereotypes, harassments, and scrutiny, such as the “talentless” or “brainless” stereotypes against many K-Pop idols.
Before I discuss more about lookism in South Korea, who has the right to decide the “notions of beauty”? As easy as the answer might be – the society, the root of these standards embeds in something way beyond that. According to The Body Project from Bradley University, in the past, the difference in ideals of beauty often reflect the roles women and men are expected to fulfill in a given society. For example, in countries where women were “valued mainly for their fertility” – their ability to bear and nurture children – the beauty standard was often a full-body with broad hips and full breasts. During this time, beauty standards did not vary so significantly among countries. However, as social conditions and gender roles have been changing rapidly together with the birth of technology, beauty ideals have changed. From this period, beauty standards started to revolve around famous figures: actors or actresses, singers, models. Therefore, it is these famous people, these idols that raise the bar of beauty standards in Korean society, resulting in a never-ending loop: the society imposes the pressure on idols to become more attractive, yet, at the same time, it is these idols who introduce these ideals to the society.
One reason why this “loop” exists is that the society is highly suggestible to the “trends” created by famous figures, and this goes beyond just fashion or appearance, it can be a whole lifestyle or ideology. Evidence of this in South Korea was Seo Taji and Boys during the mid-1990s. According to Maliangkay’s “The Popularity of Individualism,” in addition to having “a great impact” on the youth’s preferences in music, dance, and fashion, Seo Taji has managed to create a whole generation of Shinsedae (New Generation) (304). This was a new culture or a new lifestyle of young people during this period when they had the chance to consume “a wide range of cultural items from the United States and was associated with individual choice, considerable spending money, and overseas travel” (Maliankay, 305). This reinforces the fact that social trends by popular people are the main factor of beauty standards, and it further tightens the “loop” that connects these societal standards with these famous people themselves.
As above stated, technology has contributed to the evolution of beauty norms, and it is also the reason why we can witness the variation of these standards among different countries, specifically South Korea and the US. According to “Cross-Cultural Comparisons of Appearance Self-Schema, Body Image, Self-Esteem, and Dieting Behavior Between Korean and U.S. Women” by Jae Hee Jung, it is generally known if that Korean beauty standards prioritize a slim figure, small face, v-shaped jaw, small lips, straight eyebrows, flawless skin, and larger eyes (Jung, 34). Moreover, Korean women are witnessed to have shifted their criteria for judging the beauty of females to Western standards and idealize Western facial features such as “fair skin” and “high nose” (Jung, 353). Additionally, according to Kim Yeran’s “Idol Republic,” Korean society prefers a more “youthful, innocent and pure” kind of beauty (Kim, 339).
On the other hand, the standards of beauty in the US are believed to be more diversified, or in other words, there seem to be no specific universal standards with regards to appearance. For example, famous figures like Emma Watson, Taylor Swift, and Kim Kardashian have very distinct physical features, yet they are all considered beautiful according to American “beauty standards.” Therefore, US society does not have a uniform criterion for beauty, but there are some common trends regarding beauty. For instance, in recent years, there has been a predominant tendency towards full lips, curvy body, and tanner skin. Despite this domineering trend, American women are under less pressure to conform, contrary to Korean women. According to professor Sharon Heijin Lee in “Beauty Between Empires,” there is a lot more “variation” among the American women and they are “still very individual,” whereas Korean women’s beauty is generally more uniform and universal (Lee, 8). Thus, Korean women are more compelled to meet Korean beauty standards. Why? Jung argues that “for Korean women, being physically attractive is as important as having inner beauty” (Jung, 354). This argument might be generalizing the whole South Korean population, but it manages to emphasize the importance of beauty in Korean culture.
Because being beautiful is so important in South Korea and many young women are pressured to become beautiful, lookism here is more severe and common than anywhere else in the world. Professor Sharon Heijin Lee argues that while lookism does not seem to be a significant problem in the US, it is very prevalent in South Korea (Lee, 12). One direct result of lookism is plastic surgery. Numerous South Korean idols resort to plastic surgery as a means of “improving themselves” and increasing their chance of gaining popularity because having talents is not sufficient to gain the public’s attention. Plastic surgery is also very common among the general public because not only everyone desires to be attractive, but society also puts an invisible pressure on its people to look more attractive. According to a recent survey conducted among 450 unmarried women in their 20s in Seoul and Kyonggi Province in Korea, 70% of the respondents reported to be dissatisfied with their body size and only 12% were happy with their body shape (Moon, 2003). There is also evidence of cyberbullying towards idols or common people for being “ugly” or “overweight.” Although it does not hurt to wish to improve one’s appearance, it is an unhealthy society if the society serves to promote lookism and unrealistic ideals about beauty that cause its people to become obsessed.
One reason why there is a distinction between lookism in South Korea and in the US is collectivism and individualism. Coming back to Jae Hee Jung’s research, individualism is the dominant concept in Western cultures, whereas in non-Western cultures it is collectivism (Jung, 353). While individualism promoted values such as attaining a comfortable life and social recognition, collectivism promotes values that emphasize cooperation and social supports. This explains why American women tend to be more confident of the physical appearance and less focused on conforming to beauty norms compared to Korean women, who are more likely to compare themselves to the appearance of others and more sensitive to criticisms about how they look. This further emphasizes how much Korean women are pressured to improve their physical appearance.
However, the climate regarding lookism and beauty standards in South Korea is subjective to change. Thanks to globalization, Korean young people are being introduced to individualistic values such as freedom in expression. We witness idols who defy and challenge the Korean standardized norms such as MAMAMOO’s Hwasa, CL, and Hyorin. We also witness feminist movements such as Free The Corset which aims to create a space for Korean women to feel comfortable with themselves and not have social pressures limit their identity or Womenlink’s campaigns surrounding lookism. With these efforts, hopefully, in the near future, we do not have to witness body-shaming/face-shaming issues within the Korean society, young people become more confident about their physical appearance, and beauty does not hold as much weight anymore regarding measuring an individual’s value.
To conclude, South Korea is a country where beauty standards are so harsh, and lookism is so common that people have learned to live up to it. By shifting the attention from the Korean entertainment industry to the general society, we can see that this phenomenon is so detrimental and toxic that barely anyone in this society can escape the pressure of becoming beautiful and meeting the social standards. Also, by shifting the attention from the Korean entertainment industry to the general society, we can see the interdependent relationship, or the “loop,” that involves both the idols and the society, regarding beauty standards. Finally, by looking at both South Korea and the US, we can see the prevalence and severity of lookism in South Korea due to the collectivistic culture of non-Western countries. On a brighter side, in recent years, we are witnessing a shift towards individualism in South Korea, promoting body-confidence and body-love among young people.
2019-12-16-1576460191