ay in hOld age is considered to be the later part in normative life, and is characterized by the declining years in a person’s life, based on a biological clock. In the UK, “any age after 50” is deemed as old age despite most pension schemes only accepting claims once an individual turns 60 or 65 (Roebuck, 1979). However, old age doesn’t only depend on a biological model; it is also constructed through the ways in which society makes sense of old age (Gorman, 2000). In western society old age is seen as undesirable and common stereotypes include being ill, slow, tired, forgetful, and confused (Bytheway, 1995; Minichiello and Coulson, 2005). These beliefs are also reflected in the media, health system and workplace due to societal discourses promoting the reproduction and consumption of youthfulness in order to gain power and status within society (Minichiello and Coulson, 2005). Stakeholders generally are individuals who provide public, health, and social services that have a medicinal view of old age linked to disability, dependency, and poverty (Biggs, 1993). Furthermore, social policy uses chronological age to “legitimate” the marginalization of groups of people who are denied resources and opportunities, which other dominant groups possess (Bytheway and Johnson, 1990). However, stakeholders can also be old people themselves, and individuals within the advertising industry who target the older generation with anti-ageing products. This essay will concentrate on ageist stereotypes referring to old women, as the intersection between ageism and sexism is becoming increasingly problematic for ageing women (Berger and McMullin, 2006). Similarly, the growing feminization of later life exemplifies how old women have different experiences to old men (Arber and Ginn, 1991). Rich (1984:78) argues that to be old is ugliest for women, as a man is deemed to be as old as he feels, whereas a woman is as old as she looks. In response to this, this essay will analyse the different ways in which the “double standard of ageing” is forced upon older women as a result of their decline in physical appearance (Hurd Clarke and Bennett, 2015:133). Firstly, the essay will show how old women in the media are negatively portrayed, specifically exemplifying the film and TV industry as the numbers of women in these professions decline after a certain age. Furthermore, it will show the impact this has on all ageing women in society. Next, the prejudicial discourses of policy and stakeholders will be discussed in regards to elderly women as they now outnumber men demographically, and the implications they have. Finally, the ways research reinforces negative stereotypes created by both the media and policy will be discussed.
Old Ageism is the discrimination and devaluation of old people, it also reflects the uneasiness of the young and middle aged who have a personal revulsion for getting older (Butler, 1975). However, this distaste for growing old is starting to be internalized by the elderly themselves (Minichiello and Coulson, 2005). For example, some of the older generation have accepted the negative stereotypes as a normal part of later life, and therefore act accordingly (Biggs, 1993). Individuals withdraw from situations where they are considered as old or unwanted, as they are embarrassed to ask for help to be enabled to continue in certain social situations and activities (Minichiello et al, 2000). Within old age a “decline in self-esteem” is one of the main factors which contribute to ageing, once an individual starts to think herself as old, she then starts ageing physically, and eventually becomes the individual society tells her she should be (Shield and Aronson, 2003:67). This is an example of disengagement theory which depicts an inevitable withdrawal from society into a dependency stereotype portrayed by policy; however this isn’t applicable to all elderly as some dread retirement and the thought of being seen by others as “old” (Cumming and Henry, 1961). This is exemplified within the film industry as actress Emma Thompson expressed, that the lack of roles for women past 50 is “completely shit” (Stylist, 2015b). This establishment of ageist values within society stems from ancient Greece and Rome where the young were deemed desirable and the old offensive (Minichiello and Coulson, 2005). Similarly, in western society a women’s social status is directly linked to her physical attractiveness, which is exemplified through a youthful and sexualized ideal of beauty (Barkty, 1990: Bordo, 1992). As a result of this, many roles for once successful and beautiful actresses start to decline sharply after 50, due to most roles written for women under 30 (Nikkhah, 2010). For example, Maggie Gyllenhaall, 37, was turned down a film role as she was deemed “too old” to play the love interest of a 55 year old man, she commented on the situation expressing how it made her “feel bad” (Stylist, 2015a). Therefore, actresses feel immense pressure to get plastic surgery to stay working and fit the typecasting of younger roles (Nikkhah, 2010). This reflects how older women feel constrained by their biological bodies due to the damaging culture towards ageing in society at present (Holstein, 2006). Additionally, women feel stripped of their dignity in terms of having to deny their age and act in resistance to it (Holstein, 2006). It is these cultural norms of preventing the physical signs of age that challenge older women’s self-esteem (Holstein, 2006). Furthermore, when actresses who have undergone surgery and are digitally enhanced on adverts promoting anti-ageing products, such as Andie MacDowell for Loreal, they promote unattainable beauty that is untypical of older women (Gott et al, 2012). However, if women don’t conform to normative expectations of age by caring for their bodies accordingly, they are seen as “letting themselves go” (Holstein, 2006). Furthermore, these conflicting views surrounding elderly women’s age leave individuals no choice but to disengage with society as they are deemed offensive if they internalize a dependent old person’s role, such as the stereotype of a little old lady (Gott et al, 2012). However, conforming to societal and media distribution of anti-ageing risks the stereotype “mutton dressed as lamb” (Minichiello and Coulson, 2005).
Negative stereotypes regarding policy have stemmed from the increasing dependency ratio, causing old people to be labelled as a burden. Therefore, policy response to this has seen an increase in retirement age and cuts within state pensions. Older generations previously were tolerated by dominant groups, however due to an increase in numbers; groups now feel threatened by this growing “other”, thus leading to distaste for the elderly (Minichiello and Coulson, 2005). Stereotypical labels given to the elderly regarding their increased size are “greedy geezers” and “old fogey drivers” (Shield and Aronson, 2003:104) This reflects the “spoiled identity” given to the ageing population as they are seen as less human, much like other marginalized groups (Minichiello and Coulson, 2005). However, the alienation of the elderly differs to other peripheral groups as they were once wanted or seen as useful by society, and it is only now, once they start to decline physically that they are viewed as a “helpless problem group” (Bytheway, 1995:16). Elderly women are viewed as even more helpless and subjected to different kinds of intervention deemed well-intentioned by policy makers (Minicheillo and Coulson, 2005). For example, the Equality Act, 2010 was implemented to stop unjustified age discrimination, despite this, most service and stakeholders still convey negative attitudes towards the elderly (Age UK, 2014b). Similarly, institutional practices have been criticized for their “one size fits all public services”, and have damaging effects on the elderly such as maltreatment in care (Age UK, 2014). Policy research has also highlighted the disadvantage of older women regarding their access to care, pensions and health benefits (Arber et al, 2003; Krekula, 2007). Furthermore, by focusing on age and gender, the stigmatization women face has been described as a “double jeopardy” (Dowd and Bengston, 1978). Elderly women are seen as less able to provide for themselves than men as traditionally female work in the labor market is low-paid, resulting in a financially more vulnerable position in later life (Krekula, 2007). Similarly, Age UK (2014a) found that the new pension’s bill to be implemented April 2016 will leave no allowances for women who are married, bereaved or divorced, where previously they could use a partner’s record to apply for a state pension. Moreover, recent research by the Pensions Policy Institute shows that over one third of women in the workplace are ineligible for an automatic referral to a workplace pension, leaving many at risk of poverty in later life (Age UK, 2015). This exemplifies the stereotypical assumptions and prejudices that old women face, as they are a member of two disadvantaged minority groups combined (Krekula, 2007). Policy helps to negotiate negative stereotypes of elderly women as placing them as helpless or feeble and in need of governmental support when in fact many women once they have surpassed their male partners choose to live alone (Covey, 1991; Minichiello and Coulson, 2005). Statistics reveal that widowed women live alone with pets and prefer not to remarry, finding freedom in their new living arrangements and resist family attempts viewing them as isolated or lonely (Minichiello and Coulson, 2005). Instead, they create their own communities and coping strategies by letting other elderly neighbor’s know they are well by opening their curtains in the morning (Shield and Aronson, 2003:77). Policy adding to the stereotypes of a weak elderly population can be damaging to old people’s perceptions of themselves, as the social construction of age feeds into this notion of ageism, when the government need to start implementing policy’s that challenge current oppressive institutional practices (Age UK, 2014b).
Research regarding old age has found that in terms of older women there needs to be action taken to facilitate the contributions of old women in society to create and promote more positive attitudes towards older people (United nations, 2002:45). Due to women generally being subject to harsher ageing stereotypes within popular culture and society as a whole, recent research has tried to include older women, as research advisors, subjects in research and commissioners of research to tackle stereotypes (Gott et al, 2012). However, when including women they have only added gender to preexisting research instead of exploring the intersection between gender and age more explicitly (Gott et al, 2012). The underrepresentation of the elderly population within the research that breeds these stereotypes has had a negative impact as the elderly are only researched about but do not have a platform in which they can voice their opinions (Walker, 2004). The Growing Older Program (GO), which consists of 24 research projects which focus on quality of old age life, commissioned by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), attempts to tackle negative stereotyping of elderly by using older participants themselves to contribute to research involving social gerontology (Walker, 2004). Social gerontology is the study of old age and the problems attached to it. GO measures the quality of older life and the inequalities that define it, whereas, previous research in the UK surrounding old age focused mainly on health related issues, involving successful and positive ageing, which in turn leaves many elderly isolated as they cannot participate in such policies (Walker, 2004). However, this doesn’t mean they are not ageing well (Walker, 2004). Older Women’s Lives and Voices (OWLV), a research project that was part of GO, researched elderly women to challenge stereotypes and the views elderly women had on themselves, which left them to accept their status and not speak up in order to change policy issues that affect their lives (Warren et al, 2003). It also found that service providers were aware of the need for participation of elderly and supported it, however when it came to their efforts in achieving this they were too cynical about the ability research had to change things (Warren et al, 2003). Research terms such as ‘elderly’ were seen as enhancing the negative stereotypes surrounding old age and academic language was deemed exclusive, in terms of an us and them mentality (Bytheway and Johnson, 1990). It was also discussed that there is a demand to avoid approaching older people as a social problem in literature as it alienates any participants wanting to join research schemes (Bytheway and Johnson, 1990). Furthermore academic literature was deemed too long-winded for any elderly to understand excluding them further, as they asked for concise points (Warren et al, 2003). This shows how within research about older people many were excluded by the means of language used and therefore amplified the stereotype of elderly being helpless as they could not understand studies fully themselves to disagree or agree with them (Warren et al, 2003).
Old ageism is found within policy making, service provision, gerontological research and is amplified to the masses through media representation. Furthermore, the impact it has on the elderly themselves as they start to internalise these negative notions of ageing has had the most damaging effect on society (Biggs, 1993). In order to overcome ageist discourse in society, those implementing and encouraging negative stereotyping must realise that age is an inevitable thing, and despite how much anti-ageing products women of western societies pump into their skin ‘you have to get on with what you have and make the best of what you have got’ as Dorothy, 97 explains (Age UK, 2014b). This essay focused mainly on women and ageism as the impact of old ageism on women is much more dramatic as they have higher expectations to maintain a youthful beauty (Holstein, 2006). This expectation alone is what feeds into the policy making and research of women and age as without their youth and beauty their status within society is all the more irrelevant (Minichiello and Coulson, 2005). Furthermore negative stereotyping towards women starts from a much earlier age than men as discussed previously involving media (Stylist, 2015a). Similarly, within policy women are viewed as feebler than their male elderly counterparts and less likely to partake in research (Minichiello and Coulson, 2005). Furthermore, this essay shows how older women are not the problem in society, as they are only trying to negotiate structural restrictions placed upon them after a certain age to endure the pressures put on them in later life, and to live as well as possible within their means. To change stereotypes for the future research and policy needs to present to society more positive images of an ageing population, exemplify and encourage all the good the older population do for society such as volunteering and child care to show younger generation’s old age isn’t something to be disgusted by but to look forward to (Age UK, 2014b). Finally, as Isabella Rosellini, a pioneer for older women in film and media at 62, said why ‘is it so horrible to grow old?’ (Shah, 2015).
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