The relevance of ‘old-fashioned colonialism’ in contemporary society is of pressing importance – its effects have translated into neo-colonialism (Kwame Nkrumah 1965).
Neo-colonialism was a clear extension of Lenin’s exploration of colonialism as a system of economic exploitation – it ‘denotes a continuing economic hegemony that means that the postcolonial state remains in a situation of dependence on its former masters, and that the former masters continue to act in a colonialist matter toward formerly colonized states’ (textbook). This essay seeks to explore colonialism within the context of the Portuguese Colonial Empire – an example of a western hegemonic discourse of colonialism – and the hypocrisy of its modern-day justifications. Portugal was the last of the European powers to abandon colonialism, yet still persist with the distorted, idyllic narrative of “good colonisers” (Joana Gorjão Henriques 2016). This work will analyse the repercussions of this patriotic rhetoric, the legacies and effects of the Portuguese empire on its former colonies. Additionally, the relationship between Portugal and its former colonies will be delineated on the premise of lingering colonial attitudes. Lastly, I will scrutinise the domestic attitudes of contemporary Portuguese society towards its former colonies. The aim is not to explore colonialism through a simplistic evil/good binary lens but, rather, to expose the complexities within neo-colonialism. Hence, the erasure and invisibility of former colonies’ experiences will, both historically and contemporarily, be at the forefront of the argument while still exploring Portuguese colonial motivations and intricacies. This will challenge the problematic discourse that assumes that the Portuguese Colonial expansion was deserved and natural, in turn refuting the implied notion that the African Diaspora deserved to be enslaved and colonised.
The ‘Civiliser’ ideology has been politicised in mainstream media, normalising and justifying the coercion of Portugal’s former colonies – Angola, Brazil, Guinea-Bissau, Praia, Mozambique, Cape Verde, Sao Tome – into Western values (textbook). This idea is now hegemonic in Portuguese societal norms, primarily evident in the degrading policies of assimilation to the Portuguese way of life (Joana Gorjao Henriques 2016). For example, Colonial Brazil was forced to assimilate to Portuguese Language and Roman Catholic faith (Wikipedia). As the only lusophone polity in the Western Hemisphere, the Portuguese language became particularly important to the Brazilian identity. Linguistic repression was a common tactic of the Portuguese Colonial empire – its African colonies also endured this consequence to differing spectrums, which will be explored later in this essay. Lindsey Kingston, a postcolonial critic, argues that this is an example of “cultural genocide of indigenous people”. This cynical viewpoint is useful in understanding colonialism in two ways: 1) it reveals the sense of superiority the coloniser feels over its colonies, 2) it draws attention to the destruction of identities and cultures of the formerly colonised. Firstly, the sense of superiority was achieved through the power of the ‘West’ – which can be seen to be performed instead of achieved, a strategy rather than a possession (Stuart Hall 1992). Secondly, the stripping of identity, culture and societal values with the justification of a civiliser discourse is emphasised greatly – which is ironic, seeing as the primary focus of the Portuguese Empire over its colonies was “trade, slavery and extraction of raw materials” (Pauline Dibben & Geoffrey Wood 2016). This supports the idea that colonialism is still relevant today – the current Brazilian President, Antonio Bolsonaro’s hostility towards indigenous people may be reflective of the legacies of Portuguese colonialism (Fiona Watson 2018). The idea of its pertinence in contemporary society means that aspects of colonial power have been normalised into day-to-day politics; a legacy that continues to subdue the former colonised. Elias Isaac claims “There was independence from Portugal but not decolonisation of the mind”, supporting our ongoing argument that the ex-colonies have and are still dependent on their former coloniser. The legacies of Portuguese colonialism still affect its former colonies today, in newer, more significant ways, such as economic dependence and an inability to revert to their own cultures– lending itself to neo-colonialism.
Portugal’s current relationships with its former colonies work on the premise of its lingering colonial attitudes. Eurocentric ideals are an example of such colonial attitudes. Chrislain Eric Kenfack 2016 states the “Eurocentrism and racism shape the ways in which knowledge is produced and circulated in our everyday life, informing our interpretations, political decisions and alliances”. This essay’s argument is in sync with this interpretation, as shown in the aforementioned assimilation of non-Western colonies to Western values. However, a more nuanced interpretation would note that the ‘West’ is not a geographical construct but a historical construct – a discourse to establish superiority (Stuart Hall 1992). Likewise, the constructed ‘Other’ is how the west constituted its own identity and legitimated its dominance (textbook p125). Hence, this reveals a hole in contemporary Western pedagogy – the absence of racism when referring to colonialism may be seen as an effort to humanise colonialist attitudes by justifying it. Additionally, it this reproduces the West as the origin of international norms and propagates the non-West as underdeveloped and uncivilised. Hence, the Western ‘duty’ to propagate democracy is an unsatisfactory explanation for colonialism. This is because if democracy really is universally intrinsic then it should not be exported, but instead it should occur naturally. This supports the ongoing argument that neo-colonialism is occurring. The assimilation of Cape Verdeans today shows the unfortunate efficacy of the entrenched Portuguese binary paradigm of race (Teresa J. Guess 2006). They refuse to acknowledge their own African identity, and still identify as a “special colony” (Joana Gorjao Henriques). This mean that they have endured cultural cleansing and destruction of identity, to a higher degree than Portugal’s other colonies. Although Cape Verde is an exception to other Portuguese former colonies in this sense, this pattern of continued assimilation is reflective of the negative effects of colonialism. However, Spivak warns postcolonial critics against “romanticising and homogenising the subaltern [oppressed] subject” (Loomba). This suggests that the former colonised peoples’ stories are occluded by the former colonisers. For example, the Portuguese believe that their relationship with Cape Verde is still special, a reflex of the “good coloniser” ideology (Joana Gorjao Henriques). Hence, it is the duty of the postcolonial writers to represent them (Loomba). This ensures that the colonial discourse which is exclusionary of former colonies stories is revealed, challenging the idea of the “good coloniser”. Therefore, the effects of colonialism are still pertinent today, taking different forms and further removing indigenous identities by not teaching them about their own history. The induced trauma on the former colonies shifts power dynamics towards the Portuguese, or the white privileged, meaning that the oppressed (former colonies) are silenced. The inability to articulate one’s story means they, figuratively, don’t have freedom and are still under implicit (neo-)colonial control in society. This sense of gaslighting is typical of neo-colonial tactics in contemporary society; concealing the coercive nature of the Portuguese expansion downplays the colonisers role in slavery and colonialism.
Portuguese society’s domestic attitudes remain having colonial tendencies. Racism today is a particular issue that has roots in colonialism. The Portuguese take pride in their role in colonialism, as is evident in the national anthem that starts with “heroes of the sea”. This implies that they were explorers rather than barbaric colonisers. This is equally shown in a famous patriotic song called “Conquistador” – meaning ‘conqueror’ (Da Vinci 1989). The song’s message has ironically positive connotations with the process of colonisation, conveniently ignoring the experiences of slavery of the colonised. For example, “guided by the heavens [former colonisers] … they [former colonies] took the light of culture” – suggests that colonialism was conquest rather than annexation. These ideas of liberal progress underpinned the ideological ‘Civilising’ mission – to introduce the former colonies to modernity. This further propagates an image of Portugal as a ‘gentler coloniser’ than other European empires (Paul Ames 2018). However, this is far from the truth, especially in contemporary society. Structural racism can be seen as an effect of colonialism, as argued previously. Contemporary examples in Portuguese society include the fact that they deny having racial problems (race blind). This rhetoric is a continuation from the dictatorship years and the “luso-tropicalism” ideology coined by Brazilian Gilberto Freyre in the 1950s, spreading the idea of Portugal as ‘better colonisers’ than the British and French. A common Portuguese belief is that “soul-searching over race is a result of bad colonising” (race blind). It’s important to note that racial issues in Portugal are statistically lower than other European countries. However, this may be explained by Portugal’s small population size in comparison (Margarida Teixeira 2017). Having said that, it is not an excuse to ignore race completely – that would mean accepting that Portugal is, wholly and collectively, white. Additionally, this means that there is an erasure of the experiences of the colonised which cannot be brought forward for debate and discussion. Another contemporary example of structural racism in Portugal is that they do not use hyphenated identities, unlike USA and Britain (race blind). The term ‘black Portuguese’ is unheard of, and ‘luso-africanos’ can be a controversial term in an institutional context. Instead, Portuguese people address the population of former colonies’ as “New Portuguese” or “immigrants’ offspring” – establishing a clear distinction between non-white Portuguese and white Portuguese and ignoring the black presence as unimportant in Portugal. This ‘residual colonialism’ (John Quintero) challenges the distorted, idyllic rhetoric of Portugal as a “good coloniser”. Lastly, Portugal refuses to collect data based on ethnicity and race. While this may be ideologically explained by not wanting to identify people by race due to the possibility of being discriminatory (race blind), the same ignorance and indifference towards race is problematic. This means that clear patterns or differences of incarceration or educational achievement between ethnicities and races cannot be accurately identified – nor fixed. In actuality, this argument diverts attention from race issues (which may be the Portuguese agenda in order to avoid being racially polemic, like America). Hence, inequalities are not accounted for and more shocking effects of colonialism can be hidden.
In conclusion, Colonialism is still very much relevant today, primarily on the grounds of its effects on patriotism and racism. The increased Portuguese patriotism – due to colonialism – is particularly problematic: the casual pride they hold in their role in colonialism and slavery; and the implications of this attitude in modern politics is astounding. The false sense of inherent superiority and the undertones of passive aggressive racial discriminatory practices which benefit the white Portuguese, serve to reinforce racist power structures that immobilise the black-Portuguese. The implicit focus on imperialist discourses and their positioning of former colonial peoples in contemporary Portuguese society is indicative of key aspects of colonialism being present. The Portuguese narrative of being ‘good colonisers’ is parochial in that it occludes their motivations for colonising and their desire to homogenise the oppressed. This is symptomatic of a country whose tendencies are not yet postcolonial, and still impose their power on its former colonies. Hence, the hierarchal system of colonialism has been preserved.