Micah Phelps
Prof. David Elliot
HIST-120-40145
Friday, 6 December, 2018
On Different Pages of Different Book in Different Libraries
Post-World War II, throughout the world but especially in Europe tensions are high and after the first usage of nuclear weapons, the arms race to stockpile and to innovate is exponentially escalating. While the Soviet perceived the notion of being in a world-wide struggle with the United States, Stalin’s successor Nikita Khrushchev spoke toward the ideas of their own communist system verses a western capitalistic system influencing new rise of independent countries. On the other hand Winston Churchill, at the time the former Prime Minister of Britain, on behalf of western civilization, accepted Russia into her rightful place as a superpower of the new world but advised caution in relations towards the powerful communist state for not knowing their motives or what they may be capable of.
After the War and now without the brutality of Stalin’s government with the appointment of Khrushchev, many eastern European states finally left the U.S.S.R. to create their own independent government. All over the world countries once under the suppression of colonialism and imperialism have begun as well to strike for independence. Khrushchev sees now an opportunity for the spread of communism but also for capitalism from the western states but especially from American aid. He described America’s aid to these new developing countries is a new form of imperialism and that “the colonial powers … have recourse to new forms of colonial enslavement under the guise of so-called ‘aid’ to underdeveloped countries, which brings colossal profit to the colonialist” (Perry et al. Khrushchev, 302). Claiming that all these “colonial powers” want is power of slavery and the money that comes from thieving their countries creating a dependance, a never ending loop because they will not reach a point to revolt due to a lack of stability. American aid is view by Khrushchev as the supply of American weapons and goods to underdeveloped countries to create that exact dependency. Believing that, “the United States want to secure a dominant position in the capitalist world for itself and to reduce all its partners in the blocs to the status of obedient executors of its will [… to create] ‘world leadership’” (Perry et al. Khrushchev, 302). Brings imperialism back to the focal point of United States desire to unwavering dependency, also know as “support” for western capitalism.
From the opposite perspective the former Prime Minister of Britain, Winston Churchill, spoke in Fulton, Missouri welcoming Russia to the superpower of the world, earning his respect we welcomes a constant, frequent and growing relationship with her people and its leadership with the rest of the world. But Churchill also brings awareness to the fact that nobody knows the intentions of Russia in its immediate future, nor what is limits are. Due to just getting out of the most ruthless war ever experienced it makes sense that Churchill has a level of caution to radically growing nations that as time goes on the bigger threat to peace they can become. Churchill understands Russia’s caution to fortify its borders but claims an “iron curtain” has fallen across the continent with small communist party groups in the eastern states of Europe have been raised to preeminence and power far beyond their number, seeking totalitarian control throughout the region. While communism grows and a divide in Europe grows stronger, Churchill starts to see that, “this is certainly not the liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace” (Perry et al. Churchill, 301). Understanding the treat Russia can become is one thing but understanding that peace is only temporary and that the future may be bright but to be wary is impressive foreshadowing of Churchill and his ability to understand what might lay ahead for western powerhouse states.
Nikita Khrushchev acclaims Russia for its uncompromising fight against colonialism, for its policies of equality and friendship among all of its people and with other nations, for its consistent, successful and peaceful foreign relations across the world. He believe that “all working men in the world, once they have become convinced of [these] advantages communism brings, will sooner or later take the road of struggle for the construction of socialist society” (Perry et al. Khrushchev, 303). A old soviet plea Khrushchev believes in one where peaceful co-existence for these two competing sociopolitical systems, which is one that inevitably only communism could ever come out on top. Because, “among us communists there are no supporters of capitalism” (Perry et al. Khrushchev, 303). While Khrushchev sees the need of peaceful harmony between each other for the present, he does not see anything other than controlling communistic future for the world.
In the mindset for everlasting peace, “what is needed is a settlement and the longer this is delayed the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become” (Perry et al. Churchill, 301). Churchill sees a goal, one that needs to be achieved as rapidly as possible, one that would create the permanent prevention of war with the establishment of conditions that guarantee freedom and democracy. Churchill understand that looming uncertainty means that just by merely avoiding or waiting out the difficulties and dangers a democratic worlds faces will not fade away and nor will any type of deal once its too late.
Due to the heightened intensity of foreign policy in this time period it make sense for both Churchill and Khrushchev to have their doubts and concerns reflecting on each other, as well as their commitment for their own cause in spite of the other. But what is know is neither are entertaining the ideas of repeating the history of the early 20th century once more, but rather to aid on the side of caution and ration. Work Cited
Churchill, Winston, The Iron Curtain Speech. Reproduced with permission of Curtis Brown, Ltd., London, on behalf of the Estate of Sir Winston S. Churchill. Copyright Winston S. Churchill. Sources of European History Since 1900, edited by Marvin Perry et al., 2nd ed., Wadsworth, 2011, pp. 300-301.
Khrushchev, Nikita S., Report to the Twentieth Party Congress. Translation copyright 1957 by The Current Digest of the Soviet Press, published weekly at Columbus, Ohio. Reprinted by permission of the Digest. p. 318: Reprinted by permission of Foreign Affairs, Vol. 26, No. 2. Copyright 1947 by the Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. Sources of European History Since 1900, edited by Marvin Perry et al., 2nd ed., Wadsworth, 2011, pp. 301-303.