Suicide is a puzzling concept which brings questions about human nature to the forefront of anthropological concern. It is the second leading cause of death among 15-29 year olds and causes close to 800,000 deaths every year (World Health Organisation, 2018). The act itself, defined as intentional harm, and the connotations it carries, have been the centre of public concern for many years, yet it wasn’t until Emile Durkheim’s sociological classic, ‘Le Suicide’ (1951), that it became recognised in the heart of social science and ethnography. When comparing cultures, the universality and cultural-relative aspects of suicide make it an alluring and interesting object of concern which has previously not been afforded greater attention to, by social and cultural anthropology, as its methodological and ethical problems require suicidology to be handled with care and precaution (Broz and Münster, 2016). Throughout this essay, I will be comparing suicide among the Truk of Micronesia and the Iroquois of Northeast America to attempt to identify commonalities and differences between the social aspects and consequences of suicide. Recognition of Durkheim’s theory of suicide, encourages the view that suicide is not purely an individual act, but a social act embedded in large social theories such as social control, gender and agency, which will be further explored in this essay.
Truk, also known as Chuuk, are an island group, located in the Caroline Islands of Micronesia, divided into small districts, each consisting of a small island or a wedge-shaped segment (Goodenough and Skoggard, 1999). During 1947, Truk population was estimated to be 9,200 yet by 1988, population had grown to more than 35,000 (ibid, 1999). Iroquois, often referred to as the ‘five nations’, are a confederacy of five North American Indian groups; the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga and Seneca (Reid, 1996). A sixth group, the Tuscarora, joined the league in 1722 after migrating north in response to hostilities with white colonists (ibid, 1996). Throughout the 1980’s, members of the six groups lived in Quebec, Ontario, New York, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Oklahoma (ibid, 1996). During 1904 the Iroquois groups numbered at least 16,000 but, by 1980, they had increased to an estimated population over 20,000 (ibid, 1996). Despite both cultures experiencing an immeasurable amount of colonial pressures and exercises, they have maintained distinct and unique aspects of their identities which, once revealed, can be applied to the concept of suicide.
A considerable difference, between the Truk and Iroquois, is the quantity of suicides recorded. During the 1970’s, numerous researchers recognised a large increase of suicides in Micronesia. Further research revealed Truk had been experiencing an epidemic of suicide; it being the leading cause of death among young males of the 15-30 age cohort (Hezel, 1984). Suicide, was therefore, evidently inherent in Trukese life, so much so, that if a young Trukese male was to run away, his close relatives would assume he is intending to commit suicide (Galdwin and Sarason, 1953). Yet, among the Iroquois, suicide was uncommon. It occurred often enough for public opinion to be marshalled against it, but over a time-span of 300 years, only 39-50 known cases occurred (Fenton, 1941). Whilst both cultures embrace attitudes that frown upon the practice, the noticeable difference in occurrences suggest that the Trukese were, for certain reasons, more inclined to turn to suicide in certain situations. For Emile Durkheim, these reasons surround two main principles; social integration and social regulation. Durkheim’s theory of suicide claims that suicide is a social act, not an asocial one, which is influenced by social integration, the degree of connection between an individual and social network and social regulation, the degree of influence that society has over an individual (Tartaro and Lester, 2005). He identified two types of suicide, egoistic suicide and altruistic suicide, which depend on the levels of social integration in communities. As the Truk and Iroquois are cultures which are rooted with many interpersonal relationships in which the politics of the community rely on, Durkheim’s theory implies that the suicides observed are classified as altruistic suicides; a result from extreme social integration. Assuming this as true, one can suggest, the excessive suicide rates in Truk, compared to Iroquois, may be due to more extreme conditions of social integration. Furthermore, altruistic suicides are ingrained in the belief that they are committed for the benefit of social order, meaning suicides may occur more frequently in conditions of social disorganisation and distaste (Stack, 2004).
In both cultures, it is noted that the central, ‘triggering’, reason for suicide is a disruption in a significant interpersonal relationship. Unlike in many Western societies and some Asian, where suicide is often brought on by failures in business or school or sudden loss of a job or social positions, in Trukese societies, suicides are usually triggered by an apparently trivial disagreement or quarrel between an individual, often a young man, and a family or authoritative member (Hezel, 1984). Similarly, Iroquois suicide often follows a conflict, varying in severity, between interdependent individuals (Fenton, 1941). This highlights how victims felt there was no alternative and believed that, in the given situation, committing suicide was the only option in dealing with the repercussions. In both cultures, a great deal of children attempting or committing suicide after a disagreement with their parent’s is prominent. Certain children appear to use suicide as a way of expressing their disproval and anger towards their parents or to reconcile what they were previously unhappy about. This is such a large issue that parents claim they must be tolerant of defiance as they are afraid to anger or upset the child, in the risk that they will commit suicide to spite them (Caughey, 1977). In addition, although in Iroquois society suicides by frustrated children were not common, there were enough cases for parents to fear treating their children too harshly (Wallace, 1969). This behaviour adopted illustrates ways in which children tried to gain control, through self-destruction, of situations they disapproved of. Therefore, the concept of social control, defined broadly as, any means to maintain behavioural norms and regulate conflict, can be applied to suicide. Manning adopts the term ‘moralistic’ suicide to describe any suicidal behaviour that expresses or handles a grievance and explains that this may be classified as social control (Manning, 2012). He also lists why some conflicts may be handled with suicide whilst others not, such as conflicts with persons who are socially close, who are socially superior and whom they are functionally interdependent, are most likely to lead to moralistic suicide (ibid, 2012).
Through the strategy of ‘amwunumwun’, the term coined to describe the way young Trukese individuals dramatize their feelings, children inflict self-destruction to provoke their parents to recognise the harm they have done and repair it (Hezel, 1984). Yet, this is not a vindictive act, it represents a considered judgement which aims to restore an individual’s former rightful place in their family’s eyes (ibid, 1984). Suicide appears to be a drastic action children feel is required to express themselves, preferring to destroy themselves than see important bonds ruptured. Comparably in Iroquois societies, the most prominent example of children using suicide as a method of social control is when mass social disorganisation occurred after the colonial attempts by the French to educate the children. Iroquois children, who were use to a life of no restraint, disapproved of the new regimentation, which was received with such negativity that some resorted to extreme measures, such as suicide (St. John, 1994). In both cultures, it is apparent that conflicts under specific conditions lead to some children to use suicide to express their grievances and although, there are not many cases, it illustrates how social control can take destructive and devastating forms.
Suicide threats (not in manning’s theory)
When used as an agent of social control, suicidal behaviours evidently affect, not just the victim, but the lives of others. Truk belief regards the act of suicide to possess a sense of agency, in that it can bring bad luck to relatives and provoke supernatural possessions (Hezel, 1984). One case study explains how three women, related to a Truk male who had previously attempted suicide, arranged to have their infants treated with a medicine, for ‘sea spirit spasms’, in a fear that the attempted suicide had endangered them (Mahony, 1971). This reinforces the high levels of social integration in Trukese society as the victim’s ‘foolish’ action constitutes a threat to the continuity of the entire lineage and to the health and lives of its members, underlining how the victims are not responsible for themselves alone (ibid, 1971). The Trukese place a significant importance on the act of suicide itself and recognise that the intention of the act may result in negative consequences for the surrounding community. According to Broz and Münster, intentionality is the primary characteristic of suicide and it is what distinguishes it from homicide (Broz and Münster, 2016). Yet, the assertion of intentionality is vague in Iroquois society as it isn’t clear as to whether the victim has full responsibility of the act. Old Seneca myth states that anyone contemplating suicide by eating the muskrat root need not necessarily know where the root grows, as it is understood to call and show itself to the individual (Fenton, 1941). They believe that when one desires the root, it will reveal itself by calling out. A divide among the Iroquois broke out due to this belief; those who believe the plant has no compulsion and those who believe it grows inside the victim’s head, and when ingested, reappears on their grave (ibid, 1941). This presents the conflicting argument as to where the intention of suicide lies; whether the individual can make an informed choice or whether the muskrat root can act on the individual’s decisions. Nevertheless, both cultures associate suicide with supernatural and transcendence qualities, which to Durkheim illustrates how suicide can reveal components of society.
The gender roles of an individual, and their vulnerability to suicide, poses an array of similarities and differences among the Truk and the Iroquois. In both cultures, there are sharp distinctions between the roles of males and females; roles that are assigned to them according to their biological sex. Research conducted on Trukese suicide rates found a staggering difference between male and female suicide attempts (Table 1). In a sixteen-year gap (1970-1985) 142 males committed suicide compared to only 10 females (Hezel, 1987). This astounding difference is supposedly a result to the heightened amount of insecurity young males experience growing up in Trukese society. Truk men often feel a lack of security throughout their early lives as experiences, such as having no residence throughout adolescence and having to retain obligations to two lineages, deem highly stressful (ibid, 1987). Furthermore, men are expected to adopt a ‘machismo attitude’ which require Trukese men to become indifferent towards personal danger and display high-risk behaviour (ibid, 1987). The lack of concern they therefore develop surrounding the finality of death, alongside the pressures of daily life, explain why young men are more vulnerable to suicide compared to women. It is apparent that Truk men are faced with an idealised ‘male role’ in which must be maintained. Conflicts with close relatives or those with higher authority could damage a male’s masculinity to such an extent that they see no other option than suicide. As the hegemonic masculinity, a form of masculinity that is culturally promoted over others (Connell, 1995), in Trukese society favours males who assist relatives and please authoritative individuals, it is understandable as to why ‘women never respond by suicide to the harsh words of relatives’ (Galdwin and Sarason, 1953, pg. 8). Yet, in comparison, Iroquois suicide rates do not exhibit a significant difference between attempts by males and females (Fenton, 1941). A common observation in Iroquois society is the superior position in women; ‘there is nothing more real than the superiority of the women’ (Beauchamp, 1990, pg. 85). Women are ‘keepers of the culture’, they possess an unusual authority uncommon in traditional societies; they own the lands and fields, assist in decisions regarding peace and war and oversee the community (ibid, 1990). They therefore experience social and political pressures that are absent in a Truk women’s daily life. Suicide rates may not be correlated with sex, but in the ways in which roles, through socialisation, are assigned and require individuals to participate in collective life differently (Durkheim, 1952). Hence, the decreased division of labours in Iroquois may explain why the suicide attempts are less distinguishable by gender.
Fenton explains that the primary motivator of suicide for Iroquois women is the mistreatment in love affairs or marriages (Fenton, 1941). Whilst one might assume that this type of suicide represents the loss of a power struggle, it can be considered that it in fact effectively represents the power of women in Iroquois society. Here, for women, suicide is the ultimate revenge, it brings public opinion on her errant lover and symbolises the victims free will over her choices (ibid, 1941). It represents an act of vengeance in which women rebel against the mistreatment inflicted and is used as a marker for female solidarity. Although drastic, it illustrates how suicide is used to regain control but can also symbolise a larger component of society, one which individuals deem to be so important that they will commit self-destruction. Although gender differences surrounding different aspects of suicide have been witnessed in both cultures, it remains a commonality that it is not an individual choice, conflicts and disorganisation in society result in individuals using suicide as a form of social control.
In conclusion, both cultures exhibit similarities and differences regarding the act of suicide. In both it is apparent that suicide is an active and social act, one that is triggered by conflicts and relations within society. There is strong evidence in Truk and Iroquois that suicide is a successful form of social control which is exhibited by a range of individuals who commit suicide for the benefit of society. But the conflicting quantity of suicides and the exploration of gender roles and suicide, illustrate how a universally recognised cause of death remains culturally-specific. Durkheim’s contribution to the study of sucidiology has paved the way for researchers to view suicide in a new light and created a perspective which has moved away from purely psychological causes. Although the intentions of the dead can never be certain, a combination of quantitative and qualitative data has allowed for a comparison between the Truk and Iroquois which, in turn, has revealed the complexity of suicide and its contributions to wider mechanisms of society.